An Unfortunate Series of Oppressive Events: how one woman’s life is affected by patriarchal, racialised capitalism

PART ONE – an introduction to Point of View, life writing, progress and regression

PART TWO coming soon – Love Aotearoa, Hate New Zealand

My experience of living in NZ and linking to What Makes Pakeha Tick  https://dianelangford.com/2016/10/

PART THREE coming later – Fuck the Police

A further exploration of ‘Socialism or Barbarism.’

People’s Democracy Versus Her Majesty’s Loyal Opposition (2020)

https://dianelangford.com/2020/03

PART FOUR coming a bit later – The Body Keeps the Score? Or Not.

The health and ‘wellness’ issues of me and my friends: ageing, grief and resistance.

Before plunging into the unfortunate series of oppressive events that have led me to disgorge this recursive, gushing, stream of consciousness, allow me to contextualise my reasons for placing Point of View at the centre of my perspective. Despite the efforts of inventive authors to subvert/revolutionise storytelling by flicking back and forward in time rather than adhering to a linear narrative, there’s always a beginning a middle and an ending.

Splurging is all my octogenarian brain can cope with in the heat of the day. Like the bewildered French bulldog in Morgan Day’s The Oldest Bitch Alive, I’m so old my memories, anecdotes and vignettes may be suspected of emanating from an unreliable narrator. However, I assure you, as with The Oldest Bitch Alive, which is related entirely from the dog’s POV, I’ve still got all my marbles and I’m breaking out of the confines of my perceived role in the world, as defined by the institutions named a few pages below.

I’m reminded of Derek Jarman’s observation, ‘What need of so much news from abroad while all that concerns either life or death is all transacting and at work within me.’ And, ‘I shall not win the battle against the virus – in spite of the slogans like “Living with AIDS,” the virus was appropriated by the well – so we have to live with AIDS while they spread the quilt for the moths of Ithaca across the wine dark sea.’

And the final paragraph of his film script for Blue [published by David Zwirner Books]:

‘I caught myself looking at shoes in a shop window. I thought of going in and buying a pair, but stopped myself. The shoes I am wearing at the moment should be sufficient to walk me out of life.’

‘Death is the end of self-improvement,’ is the title of a book, a Buddhist friend tells me, in all seriousness. The older you get, the more expanded becomes your POV. Years whizz by, an hour seems like a week. Loved ones die. Babies are born. Hope of human progress, enlightenment, a better world developing, may wear thin.

Progress and Regression, the text of a lecture by Rahel Jaegi, delivered at Humbolt University, Berlin, November, 2023, is worth a read.

‘Only a few decades ago,’ Jaegi writes, ‘you needed to have loose change on hand and wait in line at phone booths to communicate on the go; today, we are in touch with the whole world at all times, and my son finds it hard to imagine a social life without smartphones. He also has trouble imagining a time when women were not allowed to vote, children were legally beaten at school and at home, and homosexuality was a punishable offence in Germany.’

Jaegi’s section Critique of feature 3: imperialism includes the following observation:

‘If progress proceeds according to a fixed plan and binding pattern, those who do not conform to it are automatically marked as backward …’

And Walter Benjamin, in his theses on the philosophy of history, identifies the certainty of ‘moving with the current’, that is, to be part of an inevitable process, as the reason for the corruption of social democracy and its historical failure. Or, he might have used Rosa Luxembourg’s stark words for the choice facing us, ‘Socialism or Barbarism.’

Perhaps Benjamin’s concept of time, the time-space continuum, everything happening everywhere, all at once, may be of comfort, depending on your POV? A character in my novel, Dear Dupes, so far unpublished, contemplates her path not taken, based on an experience of my own:

Fifty years ago, on the platform at Westminster underground station, she’d spotted a vulture silhouette and confirmed its identity by peering into a cadaverous, gargoyle, sepulchral, ghoulish, reptilian visage. Hunched in a long black coat, homburg drawn down over his eyes, he was leaning on a knobbly walking stick.

If only she’d had the guts, she’d have pushed him onto the track as the train rushed into the station but cowardice and repugnance at the thought of touching him, held her back.

If the time-space continuum had been differently arranged, if she’d been seventy years old back then, she’d have done it in a heartbeat. And there’d have been no ‘rivers of blood’ speech, no fascist dockers and meat workers marching up and down chanting, ‘We’re backing Enoch, We’re backing Enoch.’

Of course, I’ve always been vaguely aware of an underlying expectation of progress, both of the trivial kind, made possible by one’s individual efforts, and human progress in general, even if it’s two steps forward, one step back. Only now, though, have I connected the conscious and unconscious expectation of the automatic maturation/advance towards wisdom of the human race, with the notion of Point of View.

POV, an unavoidable element of both fiction and non-fiction, applies to auto-fiction, autobiography and memoir alike.  Toby Litt is currently posting a series of invaluable essays on Substack analysing the virtuoso use of POV in the writing of greats such as Muriel Spark and Douglas Adams.

He writes: ‘Years ago, I was asked to teach a one-day workshop nearby Borough Market … The students were from the American University in London, which used to spam the tube with adverts. I’d occasionally wondered where these had disappeared. Checking now, I find that it had its accreditation withdrawn. What I remember most from the workshop was how the students speed-typed on their Blackberries, held at lap level, without looking at the screens. After a morning’s classroom stuff, those students went out into the Market, that place of mild to extreme sensory overload (not as crowded there now). They were asked to observe. Then they were told to come back and write.’

Toby asked the kids to write ‘as if they were a rat looking for food.’

Litt’s list of recommended reading about POV includes: The Rhetoric of Fiction, by Wayne C. Booth, University of Chicago Press, and The Implied Reader: Patterns of Communication in Prose Fiction from Bunyon to Beckett by Wolfgang Iser.  The latter famously posits a hypothetic model of someone (the author) who shares knowledge with the ‘implied reader’ and understands all their jokes and references ‘patterns of communication in writing, network of schemata, patterns, points of view.’

‘The Implied Reader’ is the one inside the author’s head as they write. Iser has framed this ‘implied reader’ as ‘Versus the Actual Reader.’ The actual reader, who is outside the elite community created by the author and their cohort, may need jokes to be explained and definitely needs full contextualisation of narrative development at every stage.

In Kit de Waal’s Substack commentary, ‘Letting Go,’ Kit tells us about ‘The Knob.’ Over a lengthy teaching career, Kit had thought ‘there’s always one.’ A knob, that is. Usually, a man who sucks all the air out of a group, who only wants to talk about his own writing, and fidgets, fiddles with his pen while others are reading their work aloud. The students on her last course were refreshingly different, however.

 ‘Mostly, I’ve learned how and why different people come to writing – a lesson I learn every time I step in front of a class. There were people on this course who have battled – are battling – deeply upsetting and difficult issues, things they’ve had to overcome just to sit in the room, just to put pen to paper and show up. There were people dealing with harsh truths and rejection and acknowledging their ambitions – rightly so – and others unsure of what they wanted to do next. And everyone, including me, finding solace through words and creativity, nourishing ourselves on the feeling of rightness that comes from doing what you’re supposed to be doing.’

[You can follow Kit and Toby on Substack and enrol for their writing courses there]

Distance learning became a thing during the Covid lockdown. How distant can you get? In my late teens, I studied for the University Entrance exam in Aotearoa (New Zealand) receiving intermittent packages of materials sent from London by an outfit called the International Correspondence School. Sitting in the examination room with younger kids, something was remembered from the ICS history course. In answer to a question about the causes of revolutions, I wrote that the history of the French Revolution and the Paris Commune confirm that revolutions and uprisings occur when social conditions begin to improve slightly. The underclasses sense they’ve got the wind in their sails and more can be achieved. Every advance shows that this could have been the case all along, if only they’d fought harder, the textbook had claimed. Their confidence grows in struggle. Is this true where you live?

Today, the glaring contradictions inherent in the overwhelming blanket of ‘Artificial Intelligence’ mean we can access Webinars by Naomi Klein, educate ourselves about genocides, see and hear human suffering and sadism in microscopic detail. This is unsustainable as the same stuff used to put out fires is guzzled by data centres to the tune of trillions of billions of gallons. Water is life. Human bodies are mostly water.

Here’s a useful piece of advice if you’re writing about something that makes you feel uncomfortable or might make your family and other significant others squirm when reading it. You’ll feel more detached, better able to write about something unpleasant as if it was happening to some else, not you, if you use the Third Person narrator.  Therapists sometimes suggest Third Person journaling as a method of distancing yourself from painful thoughts and recollections.

I’ve only written one novel using the so-called Eye of God POV, alternating between various characters though, so not quite full-on Third Person. The Talking Competition records my personal experience of bodily harm: illness, rape and sexual violence, abortion, childbirth. Medical harms including unnecessary operations, tonsils removed, gall bladder removed, sepsis inverted, ‘growth’ removed from side of foot. Lumpectomy, hysterectomy, mastectomy, legacy of DES (diethylstilbestrol, given to women to stop breast-milk, thereby causing intergenerational harm to mothers and children), bone density loss, hearing loss, tinnitus from news copy-taking headphones, RSI from typing, eyesight deterioration from working in a Kodak factory darkroom, sleep deprivation caused by nightshifts, thinned hair and hot flushes from chemo meds. The body certainly keeps score: the accumulated scars, surgeries and conditions bestowed by capitalism and patriarchy. Written on the body: class, work, sex, gender. The embodied abuse of working class women.

The main protagonist of Dear Dupes describes the exposed nature of bodily vulnerabilities:

Olive Stanton lingers in front of a wall painting by Stuart Sam Hughes portraying a giant William Morris, up to his calves in the Venice lagoon. The bearded figure is poised, both arms raised, gripping a massive yacht as if about to upend the vessel into the rippling jade water.  Boredom propelled Olive out of the house this grey and gloomy day. Within an hour, the Margate skyline was in sight, surf arcing over the seawall as she pulled her car into a disabled bay behind the gallery. Saltwater spattered the windscreen, creating puddles on the tarmac. Today, thanks to a steroid injection, she’s not using her zimmer frame.

As she made her way from the car park she’d realised she was being observed from a large viewing window by dozens of pairs of eyes. She loathed being overlooked. It was like The Truman Show.[i]  People are cruel. Ordinary, working class people who don’t have private health insurance, who’d be fucked without the NHS and blue badges, are cruel. Only yesterday a furious shopper had shouted, ‘Don’t forget to limp,’ as Olive walked unaided from her car outside Tesco. Blue badge rage is all the bait-rage.

For a few seconds she’d frozen with indecision and despair, feet velcroed to the ground, her anxiety, crab-like progress, animal-print coat, mastectomy scar, misshapen left eyeball, vertigo, wax-blocked ears, suddenly exposed to the crowd on the balcony. Olive has good days and bad days. Only that morning a postcard had popped through the letterbox, from a management company working for Kent County Council.

‘Proposed Changes to the Postural Stability Service – Public consultation – Have Your Say!

KCC is consulting on proposed changes to our Postural Stability Service in Kent. We are proposing that organisations apply for grants to fund desirable activities for over 50s closer to where they live.’

The effing consultation had ended a week ago. The second-class stamp had put paid to anyone taking part.

Some days she needs her walking frame, some days she doesn’t. Today is a good day. To hell with the mean-spirited, false consciousness of the Kent U-Kippers!  Except, it turns out, the people on the viewing platform are not looking at her at all, they’re waiting for a bronze, life-size, Antony Gormley sculpture to emerge from the sea as the tide recedes.

In The Talking Competition, the theme of adoption is adapted from my life experience.

‘It was raining the day Lorrie took the baby to the National Children’s Adoption Society to be viewed by the prospective parents. He was in fine fettle, awake and wide-eyed for the visit. Lorrie was put in a separate waiting room and, after a while, one of the women came out and took him away. The Jamaicans were in the building, she guessed. Half an hour later, a different official came back with Baby K in her arms. Lorrie settled him in his carrycot and the woman subjected her to a detailed grilling. Where were you born? Are there any illnesses in the family? Are you healthy? What are your interests?

‘The prospective parents are very well-to-do,’ she said. ‘The adoptive mother is a state-registered nurse. They want to take the baby to Jamaica to live. How would you feel about that?’

‘I’d feel good about that.’

His gorgeous, alert eyes were wide open as if he was listening and understanding everything. He blinked thoughtfully. His hair grew forward, flat against his head and when he raised his eyebrows she could see a crease where his hairline might form a widow’s peak.

After the meeting, they sheltered from the rain under a canopy outside the Adoption Society office. Cars had their headlights on even though it was only half past three. Traffic swished past throwing up showers of spray. Shop fronts along Kensington High Street glowed cheerily. The baby had a funny habit of pulling his ear and he was doing it right then as he looked up at Lorrie.’ 

Now, this is me, giving Third Person distancing another go, a prolix rodent scavenging memories.

***

Lately, doom-scrolling has led her to a number of extremely unpleasant subjects. Instead of looking away, she perseveres in collecting examples of the most egregious proofs of regression, or lack of progress in bringing down unrelenting patriarchal power. She is particularly struck by the truth of Fern Britton’s observation:

‘My daughter said the other day, every woman knows someone who’s been raped or assaulted. No man knows a rapist. They’re still murdering and raping us. So, what do we do?’ [ii]

The Guardian interview continues:

‘It can’t have been easy to be a young woman in TV in the 80s. “Well, looking back, yes, but at the time … We were really resilient, and it was just, well, that happens, these idiots.”  One of the Breakfast Time anchors was Frank Bough, a phenomenally famous TV presenter at the time, who would later be sacked by the BBC after a scandal involving drugs and sex workers. “Frank just measured women by how attractive and ‘fuckable’ they were,” says Britton. At a team lunch, she sat next to Bough. “He turned to me, lying back in his chair, [and said] ‘I wonder how long it’ll be before I’m having an affair with you. Because I do have a very big cock’. And you just go …” She makes a disgusted face. “So you had to have a lot of resilience but I just thought ‘strange, silly man’.”

‘Later, she says, “we just grew up with all the bottom pinching, all the being pinned up against a wall and trying to be snogged, grappled with in a lift. Oh, for fuck’s sake. I know it’s wrong, and we now see, of course, that was wrong, but it does give you an inner kind of strength and sense of self. I know that I’m not a pushover.”

In her 2008 memoir, Britton wrote about the sexual assault she suffered when she was 21, before she went into TV. Apart from the awfulness of the attack – it happened several times over one night in her flat, with a man she had only just met – I was struck by how she reasoned away ever reporting it to the police (“because I didn’t have bruises and he didn’t hit me”). “I didn’t even know that it had a name until about 10 years later, and I thought, hang on a minute, that was rape. He raped me. Many times, that night. That was my kind of naivety, really.” Her two daughters, she says, “are really feminist, very strict, and they’ve taught me a lot actually.

Listening to Cash Cow by Alev Scott recently read on BBC Radio Four is enough to keep any woman awake at night. Hearing it has shocked her to the core. Alev’s work on the exploitative surrogacy industry and soaring, unregulated, on-line sales of breast milk to males seeking eternal life, or with mummy issues, deserves its place in this repository of regression. According to Alev, men drink fetishized breast milk from baby bottles while wearing nappies. The same men complain of women breast-feeding in public.

Since the #MeToo movement gathered momentum, we face a regressive backlash. Countless women have paid the price of speaking out, losing jobs and health, punished for patriarchal crimes. Entire structures of international humanitarian law may be dismantled when it suits the suits, for example the International War Crimes Court (the ICC) at the Hague.

‘Khan is not the first ICC chief prosecutor to face extreme pressures – and, as with Khan, those pressures surfaced at the very moment Khan’s predecessor tried to take on Israel over its war crimes,’ writes Jonathan Cook on his Substack blog.

‘Fatou Bensouda [a Nigerian woman prosecutor DL] faced a “covert war” waged against her by Israel for the best part of a decade, according to an investigation by The Guardian in May 2024, just as Khan issued his arrest warrant for Netanyahu.

The Guardian’s report, published nearly three years after Bensouda had completed her nine-year term at the ICC, revealed that, during that time, she had faced threats to herself and her family, the monitoring of her communications, and an intimidating visit to her home.

More recently, Bensouda has confirmed these accounts in an interview with Al Jazeera. Bensouda notes that she repeatedly reported Israel’s campaign of intimidation to the Dutch authorities, but they did nothing to investigate the threats or protect her.

She also says certain ‘authorities’ – she does not name them – warned her that she was going too far in investigating Israeli crimes and that “you could be harmed or you could be killed, or family members could be harmed in some way.” ’[iii]

***

Despite the inspiring exhortations of Madame Pelicot about shifting blame from victim to abuser, talking about sexual abuse and misogynist exploitation is easier said than done. Especially when she’s working for ‘the man’ in the cradle of democracy. Though it happens over fifty years ago, the shame is never in the past.

Being taken to the beach as a child, forced to hop over scalding hot sand dunes to reach the water’s edge. Men looking at her in a way that makes her feel uncomfortable, old men, her father’s age and older, her father’s friends.

Being told by her mother and teachers that girls like her (working class?) only had two choices of career, working behind the counter at Woolworths or marrying a farmer. Woolworths is one of her favourite places, counters piled high with sweets and baubles, so she can’t understand why that would be such a bad thing.

A neighbour fixes her (18) up with her son (Robin Aisling, 32), a farmer. He takes her to a fancy restaurant near the airport where she feels so sick she’s unable to eat.  On the way home, he drives off road and they end up in the middle of a paddock where he jumps on top of her. Her mother’s angry on receipt of a bad report from the neighbour.

She’s working at the Christchurch Press where a colleague, older than her father, comes up behind her and squeezes her nipples till they hurt. Who can she tell? All she can do is vomit. They meet the man with his daughter at the public library that evening. He stops to chat to her mother, no trace of shame. ‘What a nice man,’ her mother says.

***

The ‘Labour’ Party is an institution that sits alongside other repressive institutions which have had a deleterious impact on her life, including: The Catholic Church, The Church Missionary Society, The Masonic Lodge, The Moral ReArmament Movement, The Moral Welfare Society (Adoption Department), The Metropolitan Police (Undercover Policing Unit), The Black and Tans, New Zealand Department of Education, House of Commons, House of Lords, Socialist Workers’ Party, Zionist Federation, British Broadcasting Corporation, male-dominated trade unions, to name but a few.

The whole thing starts with an advertisement in the New Statesman, a formerly left-wing magazine. ‘Two Labour MPs require Personal Assistant. Typing and shorthand required.  Must be a member of the Labour Party. Box Number xxx’

She hasn’t been in London very long, but in 1968, the year of the Battle of Trafalgar Square, she is still full of the naïve confidence of youth.

What are her qualifications?  Back then she still finishes her sentences with a kiwi question mark. Let’s say her degree is in English and let’s say she got a First from the University of Otago. She assumes that a remote place such as Otago, South Island, Aotearoa (New Zealand) would not have a university. She’s from there. Kind of. Later, she finds out that several famous New Zealanders studied at the supposedly fictitious university, at the exact same time as she was falsely claiming she did.  Piece of luck, the MPs don’t ask for proof of her non-existent degree. The dogsbody typing and shorthand skills are more important. Of course, she’s a member of the Labour Party, she lies.

Another piece of luck: it was meant to be. On the bus home she spots a billboard outside Kensington Library.  Barbara Castle is speaking at a local Labour Party event. Even she had heard of Barbara, famous for her red hair and for championing equal pay.  With Barbara’s blessing, she signs up and becomes a Labour Party member on the spot, thus magicking her lie into truth. No online sign-ups back then.

Russell Kerr MP for Feltham and John Ryan MP for Uxbridge become her employers. These two, regarded as ‘on the left’ of the Labour Party, put her to work as administrator of their travel business, with a name similar to Progressive Tours, but not Progressive Tours. In the same ball park though. Sending gullible punters to Cuba and elsewhere where they would find half completed hotels, or a pile of rubble where their hotel should have been. All complaints handled by her, never by Ryan or Kerr.  Her memories of this are hazy, but she believes the tours are organised by an outside, larger agency, such as Thomsons and sub-contracted to Kerr and Ryan for a cut of the profits. She remembers having dealings with Intourist and other state tourist agencies, such as YugoTours, working out of parliamentary office. Nothing of this is mentioned in the advertisement or job interview.

Our protagonist is also tasked with keeping her own employee tax records in order and has to learn from scratch how to obtain, fill in and maintain these. She is personally responsible for any mistakes in her returns, not Ryan or Kerr.

Kerr and Ryan send her into their constituencies to conduct advice sessions on their behalf. The citizens of Feltham and Uxbridge pour out their hearts about the hardships they are suffering from inadequate housing, poverty and ill-health while she takes notes. On one occasion she’s called upon to visit a youngster in Feltham Young Offenders Unit where she is confronted by his furious parents who threaten to physically attack her.

One of an army of women who carry out the daily mind-numbing work required to service Labour Party males, asks our narrator to stand as a candidate in the upcoming parliamentary elections in the constituency of Marylebone. The sitting MP is Quintin Hogg, Later Lord Hailsham.

In her other life, as a volunteer at the offices of the Campaign Against Racial Discrimination, she tricks Hogg into becoming a paid-up member of  CARD  by asking for a £5 donation, which happens to be the exact joining fee. The Evening Standard picks this up, after the offices are turned over by HM Constabulary, expressing outrage at Hogg’s supposed anti-racism.

 ‘You won’t actually have to debate with him’ the minion tells her, ‘or even show up in the constituency. You’d be a paper candidate only.’ But she wants to debate with him, she protests.

Jo Richardson works as secretary to Ian Mikardo MP in an office opposite the one in Cannon Row where she is working for Ryan and Kerr. They became friends, meeting a couple of days a week in St Stephen’s Tavern on the corner of Bridge Street. Mikardo is a virulent Zionist. That was before the narrator knew what the implications of Mikardo’s Zionism entailed. Nobody in these ‘left wing’ Labour circles questions the violent usurpation of Palestine. Quite the reverse. It doesn’t take long for her consciousness to be raised on the issue. The Movement for Colonial Freedom is challenged from within by women against settler-colonialism, such as Dorothy Kuya and Gertrude Elias, the latter a holocaust survivor, who later becomes a close friend.

‘Never get in a lift with Fenner,’ Jo warns. And there’s an ancient concertina-door lift that one must use to access Mikardo’s office. She’s frequently in the situation Jo warns her of.

‘Why are you wearing a scarf round your neck? Isn’t it too hot?’ Jo asks. Then, shockingly, ‘Are you hiding something?’

There are welts where her ‘boyfriend’ grabbed her and started to choke her when he was crazy jealous of her friendship with Mary Tyler, who had gone to India to join a Naxalite uprising. Mary was captured and imprisoned for five years.[iv]

 ‘What are you going to do about it?’ Jo wants to know.

‘Nothing,’ she says, ‘who’s going to listen?’

Jo wants her to go to the police. But it’s all too complicated. She’d managed to get out of the situation all by herself, hadn’t she?

She lives with her brother in a two room flat in West Kensington. They are having a party, organised against her brother’s wishes. He’s Queer too, doesn’t drink or smoke and hates hetero vibes. Her BF is bending her over backwards at the end of the grand piano in their front room. His fingers are squeezing her windpipe. Her brother, a student at the Royal Academy of Music, continues playing as if nothing is happening. I’ve Got Rhythm tra-la-la-la Who could ask for anything more … She reaches for one of her stiletto shoes and whacks the BF over the head. The room instantly divides into pro BF and pro her.  

Occasionally, she and Jo are joined by others in the pub, such as Bernadette who has taken up her Westminster seat at the tender age of 21, superseding Ryan as ‘baby of the house.’

Gerry Lawless, dubbed ‘one-eyed Irish trot’ by newspapers, lost an eye when a phone box blew up in Belfast. This is an eerie pre-echo of an incident that happened decades later when she became a news copytaker at the Press Association and was talking to a reporter over the line from Belfast when his phone box blew up.

 ‘We have to use Bernadette while she’s still around. She’s sure to be assassinated soon,’ Gerry opines over fish and chips.

Bernadette Devlin McAlisky[v] has dedicated her life to struggle for Irish independence and freedom. In her own country she’s celebrated for this. Not so much in England.  In the House of Commons Chamber, on January 1972, she immediately gains the respect of all those for progress not regression by crossing the dispatch box and slapping Reginald Maudling across the face. A well-deserved rebuke for his pompous blathering, delivered with panache.

‘The fact of it was, though, that Maudling lied in his teeth. I accused him of lying, but you’re not allowed to call Ministers liars. So I was asked to leave the House, and as I walked past, I hit him,’ Bernadette told an interviewer afterwards. ‘Once we came past Bloody Sunday there was nothing I did not believe the British government was capable of. Any illusions I had that it was anything other than a murdering machine were gone at that stage.’

The day before, Bernadette had been about to give a speech to a peaceful Catholic civil rights march in Derry when the British Army opened fire in cold blood, killing 13 people. Maudling told the House of Commons that the army was acting in self-defence. Remind you of anybody?

Jo Richardson was only seventy years old when she passed away, remaining an activist parliamentarian to the end.  Fifty years later our narrator is filled with immense sadness, recalling Jo’s early death and the struggles she’d endured to advocate for women’s rights, gay rights and against racism and fascism when a Labour MP.

The above represents our narrator’s early contact with the Labour Party, an interlude that quietly implodes when she’s accused of stealing a briefcase from John Hume, one of the Irish politicians who are frequent visitors to the cramped little office in Cannon Row.  The brown leather bag lies undisturbed at the back of an ugly grey steel cabinet with double doors, where guests leave stuff. Various coats droop from a pedestal coat rack. The office is a dumping ground where MPs whose own offices are overcrowded leave miscellaneous items, umbrellas, waterproofs, pairs of shoes, scarves.

The night before the Christmas parliamentary recess, she’s sitting in one of the crowded, male-dominated, watering holes in the House of Commons, perhaps the Strangers Bar. One of the elite macho drinking dens complained of by Hannah the Plumber in recent times. Her glass is being topped up by Ryan. He’s inebriated already and tells her above the buzz of drunken voices that he has had a vascectomy. His wife has a rare disease that would make it impossible for her to bear children. She could die in childbirth. Why is he telling her this? Later, she discovers that his wife and two children are at their happy home in West London, awaiting his appearance.

Russell (call me Russ) has decided they must have an office get-together to show their appreciation of her work. He asks her to book a table at Veraswamy’s, a deluxe Indian restaurant near Piccadilly.

‘They know me there,’ Russ says, ‘you’ll have no problem getting a table in my name.’

They flag down a black cab from the rank in the cobbled precincts of the Mother of Parliaments near the Westminster Hall exit. Sure enough, at Veraswamy’s, a table awaits. When the imposing greeter, in full Pujabi finery, including feathered headdress, divests her of her shabby ‘best’ coat, the lining comes away in his hands as he makes to hang the coat on a hanger. Russ and John are oblivious to her embarrassment.

She remembers being ushered to a table in the corner, gold and red banquettes, gold and red wallpaper, gold and red statues and vases. Bottles of wine brought to the table by men in gold and red uniforms and military moustachios.

After eating the hot, hot food, they wait under the awning as a factotum carrying a long pole with a butcher’s apron on the end, flags down a taxi. They splash through puddles, dodging revellers milling along Piccadilly. The lights hurt her eyes. Nausea. The cab drops Russ somewhere he can get a bus to the flat he keeps in central London. Is his extraordinary wife, Anne, still in the USA after attending the Democratic Convention in Chicago, where she was maced in the face? So says The Daily Mirror.

Passing out, juddering awake, passing out, suppressing vomitus. The taxi ride is like riding to hell. Nothing is recalled about going inside her flat except waking up, stretched out on her bed. Pressure of a large white, blancmange belly bearing down on her. Coldness entering her, emanating from John Ryan MP, former ‘baby’ of the House, and lying rapist.

[This is a sick-making pre-shadowing of George Galloway’s utterances, decades later, on the subject of consent and another reminder, if we needed it, how far women have to go to get ‘equality’ let alone actual liberation.

‘Oh, but he’s good on Palestine,’ some say, including some women.

DL]

After a couple of weeks hanging out with friends while parliament is not sitting, she returns to a tense atmosphere at work. Hulme’s briefcase has disappeared. It’s their word against hers. They adopt a passive-aggressive manner. Her period is late. More weeks pass.  Ryan hasn’t been into the office for a while. Kerr tells her, ‘It seems you have irritated John.’

‘In what way?’

‘You commissioned a report into childcare from the House of Commons Library without permission.’

‘That’s not true. I suggested that it would be a good idea to see what nursery provision is available in the UK. Back up what Jo’s trying to do. The Women’s Liberation Movement is all over the news.’ 

Our narrator’s photograph (by David Montgomery), posing with a poster of Chairman Mao has accompanied an article by Irma Kurtz, in The Sunday Times, entitled ‘Boadicea Rides Again’ [September 21, 1969]. Obviously, unread by her bosses.

She suspected all along that Ryan hadn’t been listening but he did grunt assent when she’d suggested accessing the childcare research. That was good enough for her. ‘John definitely approved the library request,’ she tells Kerr. So now they’re looking for another excuse to get rid of her. At the time, a parliamentary election is looming. Kerr begins to hint that they’ll have to ‘let her go’ if one of them loses his seat.

After ‘the Battle of Trafalgar Square’ an anti-Vietnam War demo, an article by Mary McCarthy appears in The Sunday Times and New York Review of Books. The woman who’d written The Group was taking sides, and had come down on what our narrator has begun to think of as her side, her group. She cries in the darkened cinema when the Lesbian character in The Group kills herself. 

 ‘Mr Manchanda, a former teacher, was an old-fashioned classical Marxist,’ McCarthy wrote. ‘Like many of those men, he had a witty mind …What came out of our meeting with Mr Manchanda, following on our meeting with Tariq Ali, was a series of paradoxes…the style of Tariq Ali was radical; the style of Mr Manchanda was modest petty bourgeois, recalling the home lives of Marx, Lenin and Trotsky himself. Maoist China, they say, is hermetic, suspicious, hostile to foreigners, yet the Maoist cell in Hampstead was open as the Laundromat where Mr Manchanda had been doing his smalls. Though we came from the bourgeois Press, we were not treated as trespassers but simply as guests – the reverse of what happened in Carlisle Street. This, too, perhaps a lesson in the persuasiveness of non-violent techniques on the plane of human relations, for the next afternoon, marching up from the Embankment, when we came to the crossroads of choice at Trafalgar Square, whether to turn left with the Maoists to Grosvenor Square, I had no real hesitation in making up my mind, and what slight hesitation I had was purely journalistic … on these issues I found myself agreeing with Mr Manchanda: the main enemy is in Grosvenor Square; march on him there…’   

Perhaps our narrator thinks of herself as a kind of spy, collecting information, such as the reality of women’s total responsibility for childcare and the farce of nursery provision?  Or considers her eavesdropping as a source of information at the disposal of the resistance?  So, it transpires that, other groups in the WLM, are taken by surprise when the tiny Maoist women’s group she belongs to publishes a detailed leaflet listing the number of nurseries in every constituency in the UK. Many constituencies have none.

Picture that accompanied Sunday Times article Boadicea Rides Again by Irma Kurtz, September 1969 about the Women’s Liberation Movement in the UK, Diane posing on sofa by poster of Chairman Mao – picture by David Montgomery

Then she tells Ryan she’s pregnant as a result of what he did to her.

He asks if she’s sure it was his fault. Did paternity tests exist back then?

Grudgingly, he tells her he’ll ask David Owen MP to help, a medical doctor dubbed Doctor Death by anti-choice newspapers. Instead, David Pitt, later Lord Pitt of Hampstead (in Jamaica), refers her to Charing Cross Hospital, a spanking new built hospital in Hammersmith where, in 1967, she receives one of the first abortions on the NHS.

After which she never sees Ryan again, apart from a fleeting glimpse, in Portobello Road once the pregnancy and adoption are over. She’s selling Chairman Mao’s Little Red Book from a stall. He’s with his wife and kids and abruptly changes course when he spots her, hurrying his family down a side street.

Now she begins to wonder how he gained egress into her flat that night. Did her brother open the door to them? Had Ryan rummaged through her handbag, found the key and opened the door himself? The answers to these questions can only be guessed at by turning memories into auto-fiction as a writer called Diane Langford tries to do in her novel The Talking Competition.

Here endeth, with a whimper, her first interlude in the clutches of the party of the working class.

‘This is how the world ends, the world ends, not with a bang but with a whimper’

  • T.S. Eliot
    •  

An understanding and analysis of the role of the Labour Party as an oppressive instrument of the British State comes later, in Part Three.  Our narrator draws on her insider experience of how the Canterbury and Whitstable Constituency was captured by the extreme right of the party, a precursor to the same thing happening elsewhere all over the country.

Jeremy Corbyn becomes Leader of the Labour Party, representing the possibility of moral progress. Instead we are confronted with the actuality of betrayal and hypocrisy.

Dramatis Personae

Fenner Brockway, revered pacifist and founder of The Movement for Colonial Freedom, protested against the response of the government to the Mau Mau Uprising in Kenya.  From the late 1950s he regularly proposed legislation in Parliament to ban racial discrimination. He strongly opposed the use or possession of nuclear weapons by any nation and was a founding member of the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament.

The Brockway Room at Conway Hall in London is named after him.

Bernadette Devlin, Member of Parliament for Mid-Ulster 1969 to 1974.

‘One resident of Free Derry was Bernadette Devlin, a strong-willed, working class woman whose straight talking made her a natural advocate for her people. Elected as an MP aged only 21, she is well known for slapping a Tory MP in Parliament and as a leading voice in the fight to abolish the barbaric H-Blocks prison. After her 4-month prison sentence for ‘riotous behaviour’, she gave an insightful interview on the oppressive function of the law. Typifying abolitionist views on the criminal justice system in one sentence, she explained‘When we break the law, we go to jail. When the government breaks the law, the government changes the law.’

Bernadette Devlin would later become friends with the revolutionary abolitionist Angela Davis after Devlin visited Davis in prison in 1971. In future, Davis would be a leading voice in the struggle to free Bernadette Devlin’s daughter, Róisín McAliskey, from prison. Speaking at a rally protesting McAliskey’s detention, Angela Davis condemned the ‘terrible treatment of Róisín McAliskey by her British captors… Róisín must be freed, and Northern Ireland released from the shackles of British imperialism!’

Bernadette herself went on a tour around America to raise funds for refugees and political prisoners in Ireland, only to be faced with the violent racism of Irish American assimilationists. Despite these crowds sending millions of dollars to support Irish Republican prisoners back home, many were agents of the same oppressive policing system that tyrannises marginalised communities in America. Devlin was known to scold these crowds, meeting instead with the Young Lords and Black Panthers, famously giving them the freedom key to New York that she had been awarded by the city’s mayor.

The Black Panthers themselves reported on the situation in the six counties, publishing an article with unbelievable foresight entitled ‘Ireland Oppressed Fights Back.’ An Phoblacht, the Irish Republican newspaper, was in-turn outspoken in their support for Mumia Abu-Jamal, a political prisoner in the struggle for Black liberation, asserting that ‘We in Ireland have had too much experience of corrupt legal systems in the past to watch quietly from the side-lines as Abu-Jamal goes to his death.’

Rosie Duffield MP

Elected Labour MP in 2017 by feigning support for the Corbyn platform. Upon election in 2017, instantly came out as a protégé of Labour Friends of Israel and an infamous persecutor of the Trans community. At grass roots level, many of her constituents have chronicled her dire lack of representation. Thousands of emails begging for help with the daily problems of poverty, lack of housing and failures of the local hospital trust, remain unanswered to this day.

Gerry Fitt, Member of Parliament for Belfast West Belfast 1966-1983,  ‘enobled’ in 1983.

Bibulous Irish politician, resembling member of British comedy duo, with large black-framed glasses. Who the hell am I to call another person of Irish heritage BIBULOUS? – DL

Poems about my Auntie Vonnie who lived in an alleyway in Christchurch, not in Aotearoa, but in New Zealand. How my family ended up in Aotearoa will be examined in Part II.

Whisky Sonnet

Whisky pisses from a doorway Mother

takes my hand Jump together, mind your shoes.

Auntie Vonnie is an all-time loser,

tapping us for money, fags and booze.

In my DNA and in my bones,

Whiskey pours down drains into the sea.

I dream of sailing far and clean away,

where no-one knows my pedigree.

Jack Daniels aged in oak distilled our heads,

Rye, Irish, Scotch and sour mashed our lives.

On ice-cube rocks, men soiled their unmade beds.

Confessing, they owned up to beating wives.

Malt grain thins life’s blood and sluices thought from brain.

Chin Chin! Like fools we claim to feel no pain.

Whisky Haiku

Whisky on the brain,

In my veins and DNA.

Cheers! I feel no pain.

John Hume, 18th Janury, 1937 – 3 August 2020, Irish nationalist, hero of the social democratic part of the story that excludes Bernadette Devlin, whose briefcase I was accused of stealing. He has stored it in a steel filing cabinet that also doubles as a coat rack.

George Galloway, Labour Member of Parliament June 1987 – October 24, 2003.

https://www.theguardian.com/society/2012/aug/24/george-galloway-todd-akin-rape-comments

It has been a difficult week for Becky John. First there was Republican congressman Todd Akin’s suggestion that in cases of “legitimate” rape women rarely get pregnant because “the female body has ways to try to shut that whole thing down”.

Then George Galloway dismissed the act of having sex with a woman as she slept – one of the allegations made against Julian Assange – as nothing more than “bad sexual etiquette” if the pair had already had sex the night before. “Not everybody needs to be asked prior to each insertion,” the Respect MP said.

John, who was raped at the age of 15 by a man whose home she had gone to voluntarily, has become used to hearing public figures reveal astonishing views about sexual violence; last year she was incensed when the justice secretary, Kenneth Clarke, talked about “serious” rape involving “violence and an unwilling woman”. But she, frontline workers and academics in the field all say there is nothing unusual about the sentiments they express.

“It made me feel sick,” John, now 36, says of her initial reaction to Galloway’s comments. “Like: ‘Oh crap, here we are again.’ The ideas society has about rape are staggering. Obviously people are not clear what it is and isn’t, or we wouldn’t be having these conversations.”

Research suggests she is right. In a poll of people in London carried out for the Havens, the capital’s trio of flagship sexual assault referral centres, one in ten said they didn’t believe it was rape if a man made his partner have sex when they didn’t want to. Another 18% weren’t sure.

“There is still, in some areas, the feeling that a woman within an established relationship has a duty to accept sex,” says an independent sexual violence advisor at Birmingham’s Rape and Sexual Violence Project, speaking anonymously. We don’t have lots of cases like that but I’ve definitely come across it.”

Galloway’s suggestion that once you’ve had sex with someone once, you don’t need to ask every time, plays out on jury panels too, lawyers say. “The general public are very easily persuaded, I’m afraid, that in the context of a long-standing relationship there’s a presumption of consent,” says Miranda Moore QC, a barrister with wide experience of both prosecuting and defending rape cases.

Jane Bickerstaff QC, a longtime specialist rape prosecutor, says: “There’s an element with juries where they think: ‘I don’t care, there’s no harm done. They’ve had sex hundreds and hundreds of times before, why is public money being spent on this?'”

Anne Kerr, Member of Parliament for Rochester and Chatham, 1964.

Anne Patricia Kerr (née Bersey; 24 March 1925 – 29 July 1973) British Labour Party politician, elected for two successive terms as a Member of Parliament.

Born in Putney into a Methodist family, she spent most of her childhood in west London, attending St Paul’s Girls School. She was evacuated to Budleigh Salterton in Devon, during the Second World War, and later joined the Women’s Royal Naval Service. In 1944 she married James Doran Clark (subsequently TV and film scriptwriter James Doran). They divorced in 1952.

Before entering politics she was an actress and television interviewer, using the name Anne Doran. She was elected in Putney at the 1958 London County Council election as Anne Clark, and held her seat until the council was abolished in 1965. She was an ardent opponent of capital punishment, a founder member of the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament and was on the Committee of 100 set up by Bertrand Russell in 1960 to oppose nuclear weapons. She was married again in 1960 to fellow Labour politician Russell Kerr, who became MP for Feltham in 1966.

She won the Rochester and Chatham seat at the 1964 general election, defeating the sitting Conservative MP Julian Critchley with a majority of 1,013 votes.

Always passionately interested in human rights issues, Kerr was vocal in protesting against the executions of three black Rhodesians in 1968, the first since Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence, placing a wreath of flowers outside the Rhodesian High Commission (Rhodesia House) in London on the day of the executions, on 6 March. She attended the 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago when she was detained and manhandled by police. She and her husband were also two of three British MPs who accompanied Gerry Fitt MP for West Belfast on the Civil Rights march in Derry on 5 October 1968, which is generally regarded as the starting point for the Troubles in Northern Ireland.

She was a staunch opponent of Britain’s entry into Europe’s Common Market, and after her 1970 defeat, she was a founder of Women Against the Common Market. In April 1972, she joined Women Against the Common Market in an anti-Europe protest on a ferry to Calais. When French riot police boarded the ferry, Kerr reportedly had to be pulled away from them, shouting “Let’s have your gas.”

Kerr died at her home at Twickenham of acute alcoholic poisoning on 29 July 1973, aged 48. At the inquest into her death, Russell Kerr said that she had never really recovered from being beaten by police at Chicago five years earlier.

Bill aged 14, before concert debut at Christchurch Civic Theatre

WILLIAM LANGFORD [1943-2023] Concert Pianist

‘Hurrying along the Embankment in freezing drizzle, he was reminded of the barman from the Admiral Duncan, battered to death on this glittering section of riverside. That’s what you got for flaunting it, coming out and presenting yourself as a target to the very people who were happy to use your head as a football. As he increased his pace, putting the murder scene behind him, a skinny boy with kohl-circled eyes stepped out in front of him.

‘Fancy a blowjob, granpa?’

He averted his eyes and rushed on … Wind shipped past his ears and pellets of hail bounced off his head as he struggled over Hungerford Footbridge.’

Diane’s tribute to her brother at his funeral:

Bill’s musical talent was discovered when he began playing recognisable tunes on a tin whistle, a present for his fourth birthday. He loved drawing and making model aeroplanes from paper and balsa wood. A boy who didn’t want to play rugby wasn’t treated kindly in New Zealand in the 1950s. Though shy and nervous, he was entered into piano competitions from an early age. At 9, he played a Chopin Prelude on Radio 3ZB Children’s Hour.

Nancy Watson, his first piano teacher, soon realised that Bill needed more advanced tuition and recommended Ernest Empson. The music scene in Christchurch was cliquish and snobby and the Empsons were seen as doyens of that tight-knit community. Empson ran The Eroica Club, providing a platform for his star pupils. Our parents and Bill had difficulty penetrating that milieu. When Bill was 14, I organised a concert at the Civic Theatre, Christchurch, against Empson’s advice, that received excellent reviews. At 16, Bill gave an acclaimed performance of the Saint-Saëns Piano Concerto No 2 with the NZ National Orchestra at the Auckland Star Piano Competition.  Composer-pianist, Elsie Betts-Vincent, declared him the most talented pianist the country had produced since Richard Farrell https://www.rnz.co.nz/collections/richard-farrell

Pianists like Julius Katchen, Bela Siki, Shura Cherkassky and Andor Foldes toured NZ and it was customary for them to give master classes or at least invite young pianists to play for them … Bill’s master class with Bela Siki was reported in the local press.  Winifred Atwell and Liberace also played the Civic Theatre. We were there. June commented how mean people were for gossiping about Liberace. She was certain he was ‘normal.’

Bill had a rough time at Christchurch West High School, though he was essential to their annual productions of Gilbert and Sullivan Operas. Empson advised him to transfer to another school, study for University Entrance and do a Bachelor of Music degree, which he achieved, with Honours, from Canterbury University.

We came to London in 1963, on the Italian ship, the Gallileo Gallilei, after flying to Sydney. He’d won a bursary to the Royal Academy of Music. We’d studied German in anticipation of going to Vienna, as an alternative scholarship was on offer there. Initially, we stayed in a hostel in Earls Court Road and frequented The London Music Club where Bill could practice on one of the rickety grand pianos and I could sit in the seedy bar, drink Guinness, and chat to pianist Peter Katin or composer Alan Rawsthorne.

“Oh, London in the 60s was a fantastic place to be a young musician. There was so much energy, so many great talents emerging. And a lot of us lived at one time or another in an insane place called the London Music Club in Holland Park.

“It was a sort of hotel, owned bizarrely by the Church of England until they had to sell it, and just so much fun with everyone being together, eating together, practising around the clock.

“I was there for four years in my 20s and they were some of the best times of my life – never to be forgotten.” https://www.hamhigh.co.uk/things-to-do/21390985.brahms-brings-balm/

Stephen Kovacevich

Bill and I sometimes hung out at the Coleherne, a gay pub in Earls Court, to watch a drag act.  We were regular concert-goers, sometimes slipping in during the interval and standing at the back without paying. Arthur Rubenstein, Lili Krause, Fou Ts’ong, Rostropovich, Wanda Landowska, Segovia, Marian Anderson and at the Edinburgh Festival, Marlene Dietrich was sitting in the row in front of us to hear Sviatoslav Richter. At the Hammersmith Odeon we heard Oscar Petersen, Duke Ellington, Ella Fitzgerald and Dizzy Gillespie, among other jazz greats.

Bill’s happiest times were as a pupil of Franz Reizenstein, a German-born composer-pianist who inspired him to great heights of musicianship in both piano and composition. In the first eight weeks of starting the RAM, the works they studied together included the Scriabin Sonata No. 5 in F sharp minor, Rachmaninov’s Etudes Tableaux (Opus 39), Liszt’s Years of Pilgrimage, Mozart Sonata in A Minor, Shostakovich’s Prelude and Fugue, Bartok ‘Out of Doors’ Suite and the Tchaikowsky Piano Concerto. He was devastated when Reizenstein died suddenly in 1968. Louis Kentner became his tutor and was also supportive, continuing to teach Bill when his scholarship expired without charging a fee.

The struggle for funds and the pressure to return to New Zealand was ongoing. The Principal of the Royal Academy of Music wrote to our father, Harold, ‘We think it would be disastrous for him to return to New Zealand at the present time, and I hope very much that you will reconsider all the aspects of his career, and perhaps come to feel that his development as a musician would be better secured in Europe for the next year or two than it could be in New Zealand.’ Bill was still intent on winning an international competition, as he was desperate to sustain his musical life and break the burden of dependence on our parents’ financial support. He entered the Commonwealth Prize, where he competed against Kiri te Kanawa; he came second after Ross Pople, Kiri came third.

Our father resented paying towards the upkeep of a son he never saw. However, Bill found an indefatigable mentor at the Academy in composer, Alan Bush. In September, 1969, Dr Bush wrote to Harold, ‘I must venture to disagree with one sentence in your letter. You wrote: “it is as unfair for him to exist on scholarships and bursaries as it is for him to rely on our dubious earning power.” If William can exist in order to proceed with his studies by means of bursaries or scholarships, good luck to him. He is not idling away his time, I can assure you. I can also assure you that the profession of concert-pianist is a very hazardous one, yet such is his extraordinary talent, that there is a chance that he may succeed in it, even without large financial backing. There are very few concert artists, except those from the socialist countries, where private capital does not need to be expended on launching them, who manage to bring themselves before the public without very considerable expenditure. There are, however, exceptions even to this, and William may be one of them. If he is able to develop his powers as a performer to a sufficiently high level, it may be that one or two appearances, which he might be able to organise without undue expenditure, will be enough to make a name for himself.’

Dr Bush went on to say that Bill was preparing himself for ‘a very important audition’ under the auspices of the Arts Council of Britain and had appeared at the Dartington Summer School of Music where he had made a very favourable impression on William Glock, Head of Music at the BBC. This led to a series of lunch-time concerts, for which Bill was paid very little. One of the short-lived jobs he tried to augment his scholarships and bursaries was at Lyons Corner House, vamping show tunes for a line of high-stepping ‘chorus girls,’ but he was sacked when he switched to The Gershwin Songbook during the break.

Unknown to Dr Bush or Sir Thomas Armstrong, Bill and I were regaling our parents with ranting letters over their apparent support for the Vietnam War. We had arrived in London during a time of solidarity with the civil rights movement in the USA and were galvanised into action by the murders of Martin Luther King and Malcolm X. A few years later, London was mirroring the Paris Uprising of 1968 in working class, anti-racist and anti-war activity. In 1974 Bill was offered the opportunity to compete in the inaugural Arthur Rubenstein International Prize to be held in Tel Aviv and it was broadly hinted that if he were to enter, he would be assured of winning. After being contacted by Vanessa Redgrave, who explained the situation to him, he turned this down out of support for the Palestinian people and said he didn’t want to be used as a ‘political pawn.’ As an activist in the Revolutionary Students’ Union, Bill campaigned for jazz and new music to be taught at the RAM.

Bill in Moscow, Hands off Cuba!

Gerry Lawless was an Irish socialist, trade unionist, and republican. While he was heavily involved in left-wing Irish politics as early as the late 1950s (notably becoming the first person to take an internment case to the European Court of Human Rights), his activism continued straight through the 1960s, culminating in his role as a prominent founding member of the Troops Out Movement (TOM) in Britain in the early 1970s. [Wiki]

Ian Mikardo MP 

Before becoming an MP herself, Jo Richardson worked as personal assistant to Mikardo, a Zionist/socialist. At the time I didn’t know jack and took his self-description at face value. Now I know that these two terms are mutually exclusive. You can’t be a zionist and a socialist. Just like you can’t be a zionist and a feminist (DL).

‘Mikardo was a Labour Member of Parliament for Reading 1945–50, Reading South 1950–55, Reading 1955–59, Poplar 1964–74, Bethnal Green and Bow 1974–83 and Bow and Poplar 1983–87. He was Chairman of the House of Commons Select Committee on Nationalised Industries, 1966–70. He issued many pamphlets; the most famous were Keep Left (1947) and Keeping Left with Dick Crossman, Michael Foot and Jo Richardson, 1950. He was also a Fabian essayist, staunch friend of Israel, as well as friend and mentor to many in the Labour movement, where he made a great impact.’ (Wiki mash-up)

David Owen, Later Baron Owen, MP for Plymouth constituencies1966-92. Also known as Doctor Death for his support for abortion on demand.

Jo Richardson, Member of Parliament, elected for Barking on February 28, 1974, serving for 20 years until February 1, 1994.

Quinton Hogg, Baron Hailsham of Marylebone,

‘Hailsham retained some of the manner of a clever schoolboy – likeable, irritating and untidy – throughout his life. He was in the habit of reciting long passages of Ancient Greek verse at inappropriate moments in conversations. He would sometimes come to work on Mondays with Greek epigams he had written over the weekend, to show his staff. His handwriting was calligraphic … ‘ [Wiki] 

As First Lord, Hailsham was briefed about Eden’s plans to use military force against Egypt, which he thought were “madness”. Nevertheless, once Operation Musketeer had been launched, he thought that Britain could not retreat until the Suez Canal had been captured. 

Born in Bayswater, London, Hogg was the son of the 1st Viscount Hailsham, who was Lord Chancellor under Stanley Baldwin, and grandson of Quintin Hogg, a merchant, philanthropist and educational reformer, and an American mother; Hogg’s great-grandfather was Sir James Hogg, 1st Baronet, a businessman and politician from Ulster. The middle name McGarel comes from Charles McGarel, an Ulsterman who had large holdings of slaves, and who financially sponsored Quintin Hogg’s grandfather, also called Quintin Hogg, who was McGarel’s brother-in-law.

Hogg participated in his first election campaign in the 1924 general election, and in all subsequent general election campaigns until his death.

Educated at Sunningdale School and then Eton College, where he was a King’s Scholar and won the Newcastle Scholarship in 1925, he entered Christ Church, Oxford as a Scholar and was President of the Oxford University Conservative Association and of the Oxford Union. He took Firsts in Honours Moderations in 1928 and in Literae Humaniores in 1930. He was elected to a Prize Fellowship in Law at All Souls College, Oxford, in 1931. He was called to the bar by Lincoln’s Inn in 1932.

John Ryan (then MP for Uxbridge) and Russell Kerr (then MP for Feltham)—alongside Russell’s wife, Anne Kerr MP—acted as official, high-profile parliamentary observers during the famous Derry Civil Rights March on 5 October 1968.

When the banned march was violently broken up by the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), all three British MPs were caught in the crossfire. They witnessed—and were physically caught up in—the police brutality alongside prominent Irish nationalist leader Gerry Fitt. Their first hand accounts and subsequent protests back in Westminster provided pivotal British media coverage that drastically shifted public awareness of the brewing conflict in Northern Ireland.


[i] “An insurance salesman is oblivious of the fact that his entire life is a TV show and his family members are mere actors. As he starts noticing things and uncovers the truth, he decides to escape.” IMDb

[ii]

[iii] Former Prosecutor calls for EU Statute blocking US sanctions on ICC members by Patrick Wintour

https://www.theguardian.com/law/2026/may/24/former-international-criminal-court-prosecutor-calls-for-eu-statute-blocking-us-sanctions-on-icc-members

[iv] My Years in an Indian Prison Mary Tyler, published by Penguin

chaitanyakalbag.com

[v] https://www.plutobooks.com/blog/when-angela-davis-met-bernadette-devlin/

From Sittingbourne to Sandwich, via Whitstable, For Palestine

A couple of months ago, I boarded a train to London to witness court proceedings in the trial of my friend Sebastian Lock. If the case went against him, Seb was facing a three-month custodial sentence and a hefty fine. The outcome could affect a pending court case in which he will face charges of conspiracy to commit criminal damage. The latter charges carry a maximum of ten years in prison. His actions against Universal Defence Security and Solutions in Cannon Street, London, ‘military adviser’ to the IDF, enables Israeli genocide to be carried out more effectively.

Many questions are left hanging. For example, how come an active spy operation that is, by its very nature, assisting heinous war crimes, allowed to operate in the heart of London’s financial district, violating the human, national and civil rights of Palestinians with impunity? The British government has cynically ignored such questions and is trying to suppress freedom of speech, rights of assembly and protest, that have been hard won over centuries.

My piece for Whitstable Views, a platform described by editor, Christopher Stone, as ‘for Whitstable, and the World,’ examines some of the issues in detail. Why have the courts dropped certain cases and proceeded with others? I also provide links and comment about cruel and unusual punishment, media bias, lawfare, and culture wars Israeli style. The article describes how local and national campaigning works in action by bringing Palestinian voices and culture into our communities.

To read, please go to https://whitstableviews.com/2026/05/28/from-sittingbourne-to-sandwich-via-whitstable-for-palestine/

Hey Sandra? Do you read me?

Are you a lurker on Facebook or Insta? Do you follow me on X or Bluesky? I’m easily found on social media or blog pages … WordPress, Substack, or Weebly.

My profile on the Undercover Policing Inquiry website is extensive too.

Sandra, are you reading this?

You spied on me in the early 1970s. You infiltrated the group I founded, the Women’s Liberation Front, (WLF). The long list of reports you wrote on us and other related groups testifies to this https://www.spycopsresearch.info/spycops/hn348-sandra-davies

You say you only remember having used the name Sandra and that you accept, from documentary evidence, that you used the surname Davies.

You know me, Sandra. You’ve been inside my home, eaten food cooked by me, taken part in discussions in our women’s group about the issues we still face of male violence, discrimination in wages and conditions at work, unequal education, lack of child care, having to ask a male relative to vouch for us to obtain credit, lack of bodily autonomy … I could go on.

My problem is, nobody can remember you. I checked with other women involved in the WLF etc and no-one can remember a woman named Sandra Davies.

Were you the tight-lipped, uptight woman, who hardly ever spoke? Who broke down and cried and was comforted by us. You met my baby and may have contributed to buying her a carrycot.

Your claim, that you can’t remember your legend, is legendary. Maybe your name is ‘Sandra’. Other spycops have reported how much easier it is to use their first names. Being addressed by your actual name makes it easier to avoid the split-second failure to respond which rouses suspicion in circles well aware that undercover cops may be surveilling their meetings.

Of course we knew we were being spied on back then. The van parked outside with wires sticking out of its roof; the clicks on the phone lines. All very clumsy compared with today’s hi-tech surveillance. And of course there were people we suspected of infiltrating our groups. Yet, discovering the details years later, there’s still a sense of betrayal. The creepy sense of you, attending Women’s Liberation Movement conferences and making derogatory notes about us and our campaigns, insulting lesbians, women of colour, and feminists in general, all the while being paid less than your male counterparts, apparently unaware of the irony.

My experience, obviously, is nowhere near the horror faced by the women deceived into exploitative intimate relationships, whose bravery has exposed state-sponsored rapes; it’s out of solidarity with them that I took part in the Undercover Policing Inquiry, to show the long history of sexism, misogyny and racism involved. Now that the trauma those women experienced is out in the open, how do you feel about their exploitation by your male counterparts during your undercover work?

You applied for anonymity in the Undercover Policing Inquiry because you were afraid the people you spied on would hurt you. Your antics are worthy of a soap opera, the way you claimed I might rise out of my hospital bed, when, aged 80, I was undergoing a mastectomy, and physically attack you. ‘I’m afraid she might do me harm,’ you pleaded to the Chair of the Inquiry, and he heard you, Sandra, he heard you.

I, however, hereby challenge you to come clean. Tell me who you are, stop lying about your legend. For peace of mind, I need to know what you called yourself. If you have a shred of decency, I implore you to speak up against privileged anonymity, ridiculous redactions, threats to sequester our houses and possessions if we whisper the truth, even to our nearest and dearest.

Whatever your given name may be, or the name you are using now, I don’t care. I need to know what you called yourself and what you looked like then.

My personal details are laid out for all to read and judge in your reports, redacted to protect your identity and that of the many other spycops who surveilled me from the 1960s until … when? Now, Sandra? Are we still ‘friends’. Did you attend my daughter’s funeral? Send me a condolence card? Give me a hug? Who can I trust?

Diane Langford

Murder at the Death Cafe

by Diane Langford

short fiction

Distracted by the noticeboard outside a Unitarian Chapel,  Muriel shuffles her walking-frame closer.  In a few moments, a gathering advertised as The Death Café, will take place inside. Somehow, it’s a sign. The shock of her daughter’s death has diminished her. Daughters are supposed to bury their mothers, not the other way round, unless, of course, you’re Joan Didion … and even then. Of course, she’s familiar with the stages of grief, and is galloping through them like a wild stallion. Denial hit long before her daughter actually ceased to be. Grief is indivisible after all.  Dividing grief into stages is a western obsession her daughter had told her. ‘Another example of a colonial mind-set … labelling, categorising.’

Grief is not a pebble inside a jar to be taken out and put inside a larger jar, then, a few months later, put inside an even larger jar, until it’s comparatively smaller, as a bereavement circle leader had suggested. Even if one’s perspective changes day to day, that’s nothing to do with pebbles in jars. Grief is constant, intense stress. You’ll go mad if you can’t relieve the pressure: petty hatred of people going about their carefree daily lives, having a laugh, making inane remarks, ‘She’s in a better place,’ ‘At least she’s no longer in pain,’ or the random acquaintance competing for the title of chief mourner.

Amongst her daughter’s writings was a memoir she was still working on two weeks before her death,

‘As a child, even until my 40s, hell, even now, I kicked back against what felt I was wrong, unhealthy, unjust – and felt it was received with disdain and I was naughty and therefore bad. Many of these feelings of injustice, even disgust, I could not articulate. However, I just knew something was not OK. This kick back was towards family, white and middle class friends, teachers at school, work ‘colleagues’ and most even to myself as internalised shame. As an adult in their 50s, red flags wave everywhere, especially on social media. Things other people find cute or pleasing grind my gears, not because I am a ‘bitch’ (I am a bitch), but because they contribute to erasure, dilution, white supremacy and even occupation. I see BPOCs doing it often too.

When studying herbal medicine, it felt alien and unsafe in the form taught at university, within my classroom setting, the teachers, students (one who said “go back to where you come from if you don’t like it here,” but loved doing partner work with me to get good grades), the approach to learning, curriculum content building and time-table. Nothing was contextualised in terms of the legacy of trauma, theft and colonialism.’[i]

Here comes guilt, a visceral ache specific to her relationship with her daughter. The IDF and the GPO, even John Lewis and Marks and Spencer had combined to pile pressure on the two of them while her daughter was dying. The Royal Mail disrupted the handwritten correspondence they’d started after the deadly diagnosis, when they’d thought she had another year or two. After the first round of chemo, Muriel had returned home, out of London. Her daughter wrote by hand, in laboured, spindly handwriting, nothing like her normal hand, distinctive as a fingerprint. Twice, on consecutive weeks, tracked envelopes, containing spontaneous, free writing about their feelings, how her daughter wanted to be memorialised, her musings on her last wishes, disappeared into the maw of the Royal Mail, on one occasion arriving soaked in rainwater and pulverised. On another occasion, the envelope was torn open and completely emptied of contents.

Society was crumbling at the same time as her daughter’s vital organs were failing. When the once-mighty Royal Mail cannot be relied upon to deliver a personal letter, we can no longer rely on rights and norms, the rule of law, national treasures to function. How do you complain to the Royal Mail? To make a claim for a refund if a tracked item is not delivered, you must do it on line, a time-consuming process that entails a neat Catch-22. You have to apply within 10 days. Her tortured letters took more than 10 days, one of them a month, before boomeranging back onto Muriel’s doormat via the ‘Return to Sender’ system. Ergo, she was out of time.

Dear Royal Mail Complaints Team, I’m disappointed and outraged by the negligence with which Royal Mail has handled my mail on two consecutive weeks, failing to delivery a special delivery item and mutilating another. Losing a personal, private notebook that was enclosed in the mutilated letter caused incalculable distress to myself and my daughter, receiving end-of-life care for breast cancer. My letters are a weekly support for her at this terrible time for both of us …

A (quote) nice (unquote) man, tall, full head of hair, stylishly casual in a button-down sports shirt, steps up to greet her as she moves, shakily, as if sliding on ice, into the vast coolness of the chapel with its gloriously gaudy, stained glass and vaulted ceiling. Oh no, Mister, the postal service wasn’t set up so you and I could send each other a letter, she wanted to tell him, it was part of the infrastructure necessary for the development of capitalism. The democratic postal service was an inadvertent by-product.  For a relatively small sum of money, anybody in the country, regardless of status, could send a letter to another person regardless of who they were.

Her daughter’s death has forced her to re-evaluate events that took place over seventy years ago, decades before her daughter’s birth. Family history intrudes into her consciousness in new ways. A vivacious, peroxide-haired aunt, her mother’s sister, chain-smoking Topsy (real name Violet) Townsend, maker of fashionable hats in Auckland, Aoetearoa (New Zealand), suddenly became ill. The telephone rang in the middle of the night in her family’s government house (kiwi terminology for social housing). Her 12 year-old self was terrified by her parents’ sombre tones, heightening her overwhelming fear of death. Later, when her maternal grandmother came to visit, she’d listened, invisible, as the adults talked about Topsy’s horrible end. Her grandmother, called Pansy, although her actual name was also Violet, had nursed Topsy for the few months that she survived after her diagnosis. Topsy had became emaciated and confused, her belly swollen and her limbs like sticks.

            Her grandmother had lifted Topsy, bodily, in and out of the bath without any help even though she was an old woman. She’d changed her first-born’s clothes, tried to get her to eat and drink. At the hospital bedside days before her death, Topsy married the gay man with whom she’d lived, serving as each other’s ‘beards’.

 Her aunt’s death was impactful, even though she’d only gleaned the import of it from furtive eavesdropping. When she’d started primary school, aged 5, Topsy had given her a beautiful dress to wear on her first day, but her mother had said it was too pretentious and expensive for school. Other children would think she was ‘putting on airs,’ if she wore it to school, her mother said. The dress was stowed away in the airing cupboard, never worn. In young Muriel’s mind, Topsy was cast as subversive and exciting, breaking the stultifying grip of perceived conventions that a 12 year-old child can only dimly understand.

Now, the ‘nice,’ tall man is taking her by the elbow, guiding her across ancient flagstones to where a group of people are sitting around white Formica tables that have been pushed together. Further off, others hover by a tea urn, collecting small cakes on pretty china plates, cakes and plates donated by Friends of the Chapel, according to her guide. Two nervous facilitators try to get everyone to sit down. Two youngish men, after filling their plates, are leaving a trail of crumbs as they saunter over, scraping their chairs on the exposed flagstones, one of them staring fixedly at his phone all the while. The other, with thinning hair and a strange Chaplinesque face, fiddles with the clasp of a designer rucksack with one hand while biting the nails of the fingers of his other hand. ‘Poor thing,’ she thinks, ‘he must have lost someone very close.’

The fellow with the phone places it on a collapsible tripod gizmo and tunes in a pair of wireless headpieces. Fishing in the commodious pockets of a long, black overcoat, although it is a hot day and he is pinkly sweating, he produces a packet of tobacco and a cigarette-making machine and proceeds to make one neatly rolled cigarette after another. Although she’d given up smoking over 30 years earlier, the craving suddenly returns with a vengeance. He too must be mourning somebody close, she thinks. Poor thing!

            Her daughter’s face had become emaciated like the starving children of Gaza, her limbs like sticks, her belly distended, her feet and legs jumbo-sized. So painful was every part of her body, the hospice staff winced when they had to touch her and hear her involuntary screams. When she was settled for the night, hiccups would begin. Not like normal hiccups. A rasping intake of breath, like whooping cough, followed by a peculiar high-pitched, whistling, out breath.

 Only a few weeks before her death, Muriel had been with her daughter to see the oncologist at the hospital near Euston. ‘You’re still here?’ he said, gaily. ‘You’re supposed to be dead.’

‘Another joker,’ she said.

‘You’ve done so well,’ he said, ‘our longest living outlier.’ Outlier is what they call someone who outlives their prognosis. ‘I’m sorry, but we’ve come to the end of the line, there are no treatments left. We’ve tried everything. Nothing is working. In any case, your body can’t take any more.’

‘I’ll go on a trial,’ she said.

‘You’re not eligible. You have tumours everywhere.’

‘But they’re not all active,’ she said.

‘That makes no difference.’

Her daughter’s theory was that you have to be heartless and inhumane to be an oncologist. To sit there, day after day, telling people that they’re going to die soonish.  And still she lived on, squelching around in a pair of fleece-lined crocs, her legs and feet horribly swollen. Nobody would stand up for her on the bus. She would stand, sometimes calmly telling fellow passengers, ‘I’ve got tumours in my spine, and you are asking me to stand? See how swollen my belly is? I’m not pregnant, I’m dying.’

Why did she have to keep reminding us?

‘           I’m dying, mum,’ she’d say, frequently.

            ‘I know, I know.’

A facilitor explains the rules. We are not here to expound our theories about life, death and the universe, we’re here to listen to each other respectfully and with compassion. ‘My colleague and I will guide you through the process. We use egg-timers to ensure that each participant has an equal chance to speak. But there’s no pressure to speak at all and when the conch is passed to you, you can choose to pass it on. Turn over the egg timer when you’re ready to speak. Or, if you wish, you may use your few minutes to sit in respectful silence, thinking about your loved one.’

Muriel doesn’t know whether she’ll have the strength to speak. If she does, will she be able to stop?

A man is talking. His nails are bitten to the quick and his fingers double-jointed. His thinning hair is combed over and he has a Hitler moustache. His eyes, ringed with eyeliner, are like a budgerigar’s. The combed over strands of hair resemble the linear markings across the bird’s head. When he smiles, he looks strangely like Charlie Chaplin in The Great Dictator. His uptight emanations as he fiddles with the straps of his designer man-bag, are hypnotic.  Despite his foetal posture and jittery demeanour, he’s first to speak. ‘The date of our death is foretold when we’re born. One individual death is the equivalent of multiple deaths. All the hysterical talk we are hearing at present about genocide and mass killing is redundant. There will always be wars between the strong and the weak. It is nature’s way of keeping down the population. We have to take emotion out of the equation.’

His clipped, posh tone continues after the egg timer empties, so he turns it over again and his nasal little voice resumes. The facilitator to my left turns a panicked face towards a woman, like Muriel, also in her eighties. ‘Penelope, would you like to say something about your experience? Tell us why you’ve come along today.’

 ‘I’ve enjoyed coming to the chanting group, so I thought I’d try this group,’ Penelope says. ‘It sounded interesting and gave me a framework to think about my situation.  I’ve been living in the same house for 50 years. I’ve collected many beautiful objects and knick-knacks that have sentimental value. My late husband, who passed away twenty years ago, was a musician. My attic is full of boxes of scores, all marked up with his musical notations. I can’t bear to throw things away, but I know I need to downsize. My children have families of their own, they need the space more than I do. I’m going to move into a lovely space where the late, great editor, whose name escapes me, lived. Diana … There’s a lovely garden and library …

Trigger warning: Muriel remembers something her daughter had written in a letter that had evaded the Royal Mail’s censorship-by-non-delivery … A writing exercise set by a kindly middle-class tutor, volunteering as part of a therapeutic programme for Stage Four cancer patients, ‘When you step into your garden, what do you see?’ To which her daughter had angrily responded, ‘What if you don’t have a garden? What if you’re living in a tower block, what if you’re in prison, what if you can’t take a step? What if you’re blind?”

Penelope is saying, ‘So much of our identity is embodied in material things. I’ve been thinking a lot about this a lot lately. Who will value these objects after I’m gone? Who will love them?’

Muriel’s daughter had accumulated a significant amount of stuff, amazing concoctions arrayed on shelves, flowers that had been dried in a dehumidifier, machines to laminate drawings, theses, essays, many handwritten. Boxes of materials for quilting, momentos of friends who’d gone before, pieces of jewellery, dozens of pairs of shoes and slippers, exquisite jackets and dresses that no longer fitted when her stomach and feet became swollen.

Next up, the crowd-pleaser. ‘That’s so interesting, I’m glad you’ve been able to talk about how you feel.’

Now the cigarette-roller is in possession of the egg-timer.  He rolls a couple more fags, as the sand trickles away, then says, dismissively, ‘Everyone has a pre-ordained date when they’re going to die, so why worry? It’s no biggie. When your number comes up, that’s it. Take emotion out of the equation. There’s nothing we can do, so just enjoy your life day to day.’  Apart from that, he doesn’t have anything to say though he’s timed out twice-over, keeping everyone’s attention on what he’s doing with his phone and the obsessive cigarette rolling.

The crowd-pleaser speaks, ‘That’s so deep, Nicollo.  My sister has been giving my mother and me a terrible time. She’s been going to all the Palestine demonstrations, every week for two years. We just don’t know what to do with her. She get’s so upset about what’s going on in Gaza. I agree with you so, so much, we have to learn to live with death, even when it’s on a mass scale. These things happen from time to time. It’s human nature.’

In the moment, Muriel responds rationally and calmly, recalling the wisdom of a child, her eight year-old great-grand-daughter, who’d asked why it was taking so long for her grandmother to be buried? ‘There’s a queue,’ her responsible adults replied. ‘  Ah, of course,’ the kid said, experiencing a light bulb moment.  ‘I hadn’t thought of that. Millions and millions of people die every minute, every second. And they all have to be buried!’

Muriel turns over her egg-timer and speaks calmly, ‘My personal anger and grief is compounded by the calculated genocide being inflicted on Palestinians.’ Turning to the crowd-pleaser she says, ‘You should be proud of your sister for going on the demos. That shows she has empathy with others, has the imagination to feel what they feel and wants to do something, to be with others who care, to show the people being massacred that it’s not happening in her name.’

Even though Muriel’s egg-timer is still emptying, the nail-biter cuts in, ‘Millions of deaths happen all the time, so there’s no point in getting obsessed with numbers. Anger is a personality flaw,’ he opined.  ‘Anything that happened yesterday is irrelevant. Live in the now. Be happy.’

The egg-timer has depleted and still she hasn’t told them how the obscenely wealthy woman who lived next-door to her daughter, callously pursued the felling of a tree in her daughter’s yard and was supported by the social housing landlord, over and above her daughter who’d received the certificate from her GP which meant she officially had six months to live; how the landlord was obliged to put her in the category of vulnerable, but a whole campaign had to be waged to get them to do it. Instead they harassed her continually about the fucking tree.

Her rage intensifies as she thinks of the Marks and Spencer security guy who chased her daughter down the road, insisting on looking in her empty bag because she’d left the store without buying something. The sight of the M&S prawn sandwiches had made her nauseous. He’d tried to wrench the bag from her grip. She refused to let go and fought back. The story was reported in The Camden New Journal … ‘Cancer gran attacked by security guard … ’

John Lewis refused to install a new refrigerator at her daughter’s flat because they’d only sent one person who couldn’t manage the stairs on his own. She needed a fridge to chill her chemo, painkillers and steroids. John Lewis, never knowingly under-sold, took money from her bank without delivering the goods. It took weeks to sort, despite Muriel’s pleas on her daughter’s behalf.

Returning to the present, she puts her hand inside the pocket of her jacket where her fingers encounter a foil packet containing shrooms that her daughter asked her to administer when the pain became unbearable. They’d left it too late. At the end, her daughter was receiving sustenance through a tube, unable to swallow.

 ‘May I exchange a small packet of magic shrooms,’ she whispers to the fellow who advised her to live in the now and be happy, ‘for one of your beautifully-made cigarettes?’


[i] Extract from Radical Herbal by Claudia Manchanda (publication pending)

Letter to Financial Times

Gillian Tett’s “The open-source war”, (Life & Arts, July 23) yields fascinating insights into the “tech-savvy” Ukrainian digital war against Russia’s brutal, top-down invasion. Tech engineer, Roman Perimov, chillingly declares, “I am confident we will win the war. Israel is the model,” echoing similar pronouncements by Volodymyr Zelenskyy (website of The President of Ukraine, 5th April, 2022). This relies on a false analogy; Israel is the perpetrator of siege, invasion and attack, not their victim.

How can Israel be the model, an occupying power, wielding unimaginable, asymmetrical force against unarmed civilians with apparent impunity? Israeli arms suppliers like UK-based Instro-Elbit boast that their tech kit is “battle-tested” on Palestinians. Facial recognition/racial profiling software entrenches the relentless military occupation of the West Bank, targeting 100,000 Palestinians forced to cross checkpoints every day. 

Perhaps an exercise in joining the dots between articles published in your own paper might help. Ban Ki-moon: “US should back a new approach to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict”, (29 June, 2021) writes “the conflict is between a powerful state which controls all aspects of life and people who are under occupation.” Mehul Srivastava’s “How Israel used NSO spyware as diplomatic calling card” (July 2021) references NSO’s Pegasus software in “a role that has come into focus after this weekend’s revelation by a consortium of newspapers that it had been traced to the cell phones of 37 journalists, lawyers and political activists.” Israel’s spyware infected the phone of Jamal Khashoggi’s fiancée Hatice Cengiz and was used against Thailand’s pro-democracy movement. As Srivastava observes, the sale of lethal software to other oppressive regimes is “the holy cow of Israel’s economy.”

PALESTINE IS A FEMINIST ISSUE

International Women’s Day

8th March, 2022

Palestine Solidarity Campaign branches have organised a special International Women’s Day online event, featuring fantastic Palestinian speakers and solidarity campaigners. There will be a Q&A session, and other speakers may be added nearer the date. The event is being shared widely on social media and creating a buzz around the topic that has been enhanced by the Amnesty Report dubbing the Israeli regime as an apartheid state, something that campaigners have long been pointing out. To increase public recognition of a reality that has been obvious to many for decades, B-tselem, a respected Israeli human rights organisation agrees with Amnesty and so does Human Rights Watch who have both produced their own reports.

The speaker lineup is:

Dr Nada Elia, Palestinian Feminist Collective, scholar-activist in American Cultural Studies at Western Washington University, writer, and grassroots organiser, currently completing a book on Palestinian Diaspora activism

Sorcha Thomson, PSC Youth and Student Committee

A speaker from the Sheffield Palestine Women’s Scholarship Fund, a project enabling women students to access further education in Gaza

Dr Jennifer Mogannam, Palestinian Feminist Collective, Postdoctoral Fellow, Departments of Anthropology and Gender, Sexuality, & Women’s Studies, university of California, Davis http://www.jennifermorgannam.com

Watch this space to find out how to join the zoom (when and if I find out how to embed a zoom link!) Or please write to us at South East Kent Palestine Solidarity Campaign: palestinecampaignsekent@gmail.com

The Lives of Others: inside the Under Cover Policing Inquiry

Many thanks to Whitstable Views for publishing my article drawing parallels between the London Metropolitan Police’s Special Demonstration Squad and the East German Stasi. Please click on the link below to see the piece.

‘It is important to be aware of what is being done in terms of surveillance in today’s political context. The Johnson administration’s Trump-like clampdown on democratic expressions of dissent, freedom of assembly, citizenship rights, voting rights and freedom of movement has been described as “troubling” by the United Nations special rapporteur on human-rights abuses. The Policing, Crime, Sentencing & Courts Bill that passed through the House of Commons in March includes a provision dubbed “the Gypsy passport” effectively introducing a form of apartheid that nullifies the citizenship of people from the Gypsy, Roma and Traveller community.’

Whitstable Views, The Lives of Others, by Diane Langford

  • We have already witnessed schoolchildren being chastised for expressing concern about Palestine. Textbooks have been altered to absolve Israel of settler-colonial repression.
  • Social-justice campaigners need to investigate safer ways of organising that mitigate and disrupt the constant surveillance we are subjected to online.

https://whitstableviews.com/2021/07/11/the-lives-of-others/

My Spies #spy cops

IN THE UNDERCOVER POLICING INQUIRY

 WRITTEN OPENING STATEMENT OF Diane Langford

My name is Diane Langford and this is my Opening Statement to the Undercover Policing Inquiry.

I’m glad of the opportunity to contextualise the very detailed Witness Statement that I’ve submitted to the Inquiry, and, to say something further about my lifetime involvement in political activism. When I was young I witnessed the injustices of racism, sexism, and the class system, exported to Aotearoa/New Zealand by British colonialism. In London, my activism began in the Campaign Against Racial Discrimination in the early 1960s, continued through the period of this Inquiry, and is ongoing. 

I became involved with the Inquiry as the result of a memoir I posted on line in 2010 that referred to the ‘outing’ of ‘Dave Robertson’ – HN45 – as an Undercover Officer. A sharp-eyed researcher, who later alerted a lawyer acting on behalf of Non-State Core Participants, spotted my blog.  Otherwise, I’d never have been called to give evidence. How many others who were spied on are completely unaware that their names appear in these files?

I’ll never know what career opportunities were denied to me, or what other barriers have been placed in front of me during my life, as a result of the machinations of the Special Demonstration Squad. I’ll never know whether unpleasant incidents, for example, being denied credit or visas, or break-ins at my home, were connected to the surveillance I was being subjected to. 

I was misled as to the number of UCOs who were spying on me. Initially, I was only aware of HN45, known to me as ‘Dave Robertson.’ Then the Undercover Research Group revealed HN348, who infiltrated the Women’s Liberation Movement, to me. Later, I learned that several others, such as ‘Dick Epps’, have also reported on me in the different organisations I belonged to. 

Despite the poor treatment I’ve received from the Inquiry, who failed to invite me to give evidence in Phase 1, as detailed in my Witness Statement, I’m grateful to the Chair for, belatedly, granting my CP status.

I’m very concerned that I was denied the opportunity to participate in the November hearings 

I was perplexed that the ruling on my CP status introduces me as ‘the widow of the late Abhimanyu Manchanda’ as if I was merely an appendage. This is an example of institutionalised sexism observable in any traditional English graveyard: ‘Here lies John X of this parish and his wife Janet X.’

I’d like to express my solidarity with all who’ve been unjustly treated by the abhorrent practices under investigation – to the women who were abused and deceived by UCOs, the Lawrence Family, Celia Stubbs, trade unionists, anti racist activists and organisations, and those named in my witness bundle who were members of the Women’s Liberation Movement, the Gay Liberation Front, the Black Unity and Freedom Party, the Revolutionary Socialist Student Federation, the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania, the Provisional Revolutionary Government of South Vietnam, the Schools Action Union, Artists for Liberation and other anti-apartheid and liberation organisations.

I pay tribute to personal friends and comrades who are no longer with us, whose names I found in my witness bundle:

Rest in Power: Dorothy El-Muracy, Palestinian women’s liberationist; N.M. (Sonia) Seedo, holocaust survivor and writer; David Medalla, founder of the Artists’ Liberation Front, David Maphgumzana Sibeko of the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania and Louis Eakes, Palestine campaigner, whose arrest sparked the first Gay Liberation Front demonstration in Highbury Fields in 1970. Entrapment of gay men was another aspect of undercover policing.  

 My hope is to join the dots between the past and present and to provide a fuller picture of the aims of some of the organisations I’ve been associated with.

A grim continuum is discernable from the secret police reports of the sixties, culminating in the skewed structure of the Inquiry tasked with investigating them. This continuum of state surveillance, racism, misogyny, homophobia, Empire nostalgia and ‘post-truth politics’ is part and parcel of an authoritarian imperative to go backwards, from action on the climate emergency to trashing women’s and workers’ hard-won rights, while preserving imperialism and racism amid an outpouring of white denial.  

The Inquiry is mired in secretiveness, prevarication, lack of accountability and transparency. Bundles of selected secret police reports, some of them barely legible and incomplete, but still reeking of racism and misogyny were dispatched to a relatively tiny number of people in relation to the extensive surveillance operation that was being carried out by the Special Demonstration Squad and other spy agencies against thousands of individuals and groups. Enclosed with the bundle was an intimidating penal notice, threatening sequestration of assets if the contents were shared.

The Inquiry informed me on November 11th that HN348 was to give evidence on a November 18th.  I was still unrepresented and unaware that I could have had access to a live feed.

At the time, this was limited to a rolling transcript only (with a 10 minute delay). Obviously, by the time I was informed by the Inquiry that HN348 was giving evidence, the deadline for registering to attend the venue had passed. 

I was only alerted when HN348’s evidence was coming to an end. I received an email from the Undercover Research Group telling me that Maxine Peake was reading out the transcription. 

I fully support the Police Spies Out of Lives activists who organised the reading by actors to make the hearings more accessible to the public and to highlight the Inquiry’s failure to do so.

Three dramatic events spring to mind when I recall the period under scrutiny:

 (1) The threat of violence against her family made by HN45 to my friend after she identified him as a UCO; 

(2) A fire, assumed to be a right wing arson attack, at Banner Books, where I believe a man died. The premises were under surveillance by HN45, and even if, as claimed, he’d been withdrawn from the field before the fire, it’s likely he had keys made. See [MPS 0730516], a memorandum dated 7th February, 1972 stating, (v) ‘He would be able to provide a plan of the bookshop and would have access to the keys of the premises.’

The possibility that a bookshop was set alight, causing a death, while under surveillance by UCOs is surely worthy of investigation?

3) An allegation of attempted rape was made during a meeting reported on by HN45, but was ignored by him and, instead, he focussed on my domestic and financial arrangements while ridiculing my partner who was caring for our baby. [UCPI0000011741]

I want to say something about the Women’s Liberation Movement

Feminism exists where-ever women resist oppression, and, at certain points in history, mass movements develop involving national and international waves of activism. I was lucky to participate in one such wave, the Women’s Liberation Movement as it arose in the 1960s.

 I believed then as now that this is among the most globally important causes, and that understanding the intersection of women’s oppression with other forms is fundamental to transforming our world. Like all women who created the movement, my commitment was based on personal experience, recognised as political. For example, when I was in my early twenties my flatmate died of an illegal back street abortion, aged nineteen. The memory of her death remains vivid for me still, at the age of seventy-nine. Like women everywhere, I have experienced sexual harassment and assault. For years I was Mother of the Chapel, i.e, Shop Steward, in a male-dominated Trade Union, where I contended with everyday misogyny and sexist attitudes. 

That the basic goals of the movement remain unachieved and resisted confirms their profound nature. It was the belief of the Women’s Liberation Front, which was the group in which I began my involvement in the movement as a whole, that patriarchal, racialised capitalism cannot, and will not, meet those goals. 

Discovering that groups I was involved in, and the Women’s Liberation Movement as a whole, were secretly surveilled has been a traumatising experience.

It’s harrowing to find out about the pernicious attitudes of officers masquerading as comrades and sisters who inveigled their way into our homes, families, meetings and lives, and the betrayal of trust is unforgiveable.

Many of the groups I belonged to are long gone, but the State bodies represented at this Inquiry, despite their nuclear weapons, army, police and air force and tactic of ‘manufacturing consent,’ including the ability to issue D notices to stifle reportage, are beset with fragility. The Inquiry is at pains to protect the anonymity and feelings of the State’s enforcers, the secret police, who are ‘embarrassed’ that their friends and family might find out about their abhorrent occupation.

 They claim that they are in peril from those of us who’ve campaigned against imperialism and colonialism, for peace, women’s rights, workers’ rights and against the state’s brutal treatment of People of Colour – including deaths in state custody, which totalled 1,737 since 1990. 

I turn now to some further troubling aspects of the Inquiry: 

The Covert Human Intelligence Sources (Criminal Conduct) Act 2021 legalises all the criminality the spycops engaged in, though not retrospectively. What is the point of the Inquiry now? In a democratic system, are Inquiries not designed to inform governments, to help them fashion good laws, or at least benign ones?

In January 2020 a police ‘counter-terrorism’ document, produced by the equivalent unit responsible for the Special Demonstration Squad, listed the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, the Campaign Against the Arms Trade, Stop the War and the Palestine Solidarity Campaign as ‘extremists.’ 

The Palestine Solidarity Campaign was established soon after the 1967 Israeli occupation of the West Bank, Gaza, The Golan Heights, the Sinai and parts of Southern Lebanon. Its aims were, and still are, to call on the British government to pressure Israel to abide by UN resolutions and international and human rights law. I joined PSC upon learning the truth of the history of Palestine, subsequently visiting the West Bank and Gaza, on a fact-finding tour, and becoming an Executive Committee member and Women’s Officer of PSC. 

As successive governments have not acted despite Britain’s special responsibility for the colonisation of Palestine, and given Israel’s intensification of oppression of the Palestinian people, the PSC continues its solidarity role as a mainstream, campaigning organisation with substantial public support.

This activism brings together my commitment to antiracism and women’s liberation – for women cannot exercise what should be their unhampered right to strive for freedom under a brutal military occupation and genocidal apartheid regime which destroys essential civil society infrastructure. In this, as other instances, international feminist solidarity is, I believe, crucial.

If I was under surveillance in 1970 as a member of the Palestine Solidarity Campaign, am I still under surveillance now? 

I became far more active in PSC in the early 2000s, following the Second Intifada, than I was in the sixties and seventies – and remain so. 

Where are the documents?

While the State can rely on privileged sections of society, plus the main political parties, to support its authoritarian imperative and McCarthyite political culture, it may be more difficult to justify the surveillance of women who were organising jumble sales, campaigning for equal pay, childcare, equal education, reproductive rights and an end to male violence.

According to reports made available, HN348 spied on 77 meetings during her deployment, of which 55 were related to the Women’s Liberation Movement. If the length of her deployment is as claimed, she must have attended more meetings than I did. 

Yet the Inquiry appears intent on restricting the scope of its remit to investigate the extent of spying on the Women’s Liberation Movement. The Inquiry is colluding with the State by constraining the search for wider evidence. 

What do we find when we read the UCOs reports? 

We find the work of people acting in good faith in the hope of creating a future free of oppression, as seen through the grubby, distorting lens of officers incapable of understanding what they are spying on. The reports lay bare the prejudices, bigotry and ignorance of the kind that provoked the movements being infiltrated. This is surely the great irony regarding the covert surveillance this Inquiry is investigating: that it demonstrates precisely the reasons for the impetus for the very existence of the movements that were spied upon.

We see a shameless assumption of entitlement, and a complete lack of conscience, behaviour devoid of any compunction about intruding into people’s lives and homes. 

We see the state-sanctioned sexual abuse of women used as objects by men; disregard for the lives of Black and Brown people and women; racist assumptions of white supremacy; state brutality and indifference to human rights; attempts to curtail and control peaceful democratic campaigning, and the privileging of property and profit before people.

To read these reports is to see some of the greatest ideas of our time crushed into the narrow confines of a mentality absolutely lacking in the capacity to comprehend them. The Under Cover Police officers’ failure to acknowledge the enormity of their wrongdoing perpetuates a culture of impunity. 

We see the callous use of women’s bodies by misogynous male officers who see such abuse as a perk of the job, and, a confluence of the sexist behaviour and patriarchal attitudes of so-called left wing men in socialist groups and that of those spying on them. We see the farce of female officers, paid less than their male counterparts, spying on women’s organisations campaigning for equal pay.  One of these, HN348, gives a prurient homophobic account of spying at a national Women’s Liberation Movement conference. Was she asked to report on this particular aspect, if so why? If not, why did she make these comments? What could justify such intrusiveness? 

This Inquiry reiterates the intrusive processes of surveillance, requiring the victims of spying to explain and justify themselves, when it is the perpetrators of surveillance who should be interrogated and held accountable. 

Remarkably we witnesses are again being subjected to intrusion into our personal and political lives, as if some retroactive justification could be thereby found for utterly dishonourable and indefensible police actions, whereas the perpetrators of abuse are granted impunity, anonymity or the refuge of poor memory. 

A primary function of progressive movements is the denaturalising of social relations, revealing that they’re not inevitable or immutable. That white and male supremacy are created, not innate; that gender roles are socially constructed; that racism, heterosexism and sexism can be challenged and refuted; that it is not true that, as Winston Churchill said, white people constitute “a stronger race, a higher-grade race” that has a right to subjugate indigenous peoples. 

That impoverishment, homelessness, hunger and lack of resources stem not from individual failings but deliberate policy decisions. Political activism makes it clear that human nature is not a-historically fixed in selfishness but contains great variety of potential, such as that for cooperation not competition. As the saying goes, another world is possible. 

As soon as these assertions are made, they’re contradicted by those defending existing power structures. Whenever a seismic shift promises to bring about social change to improve the world, a backlash inevitably arises from those with vested interests who benefit from the status quo. So it is with the movements to save our planet from the unfolding climate catastrophe, to end white and male supremacy, to free people from exploitative labour and to liberate women from all forms of oppression.

The idea of defunding the police is deliberately misunderstood, but expresses the optimistic hope of transforming the police into a force for good, tasked with protecting people from harm, safeguarding society from destructive criminality, upholding principles against corruption, violence and injustice. Representational politics – the notion that having women or People of Colour in positions of power will bring about positive change in itself – are clearly inadequate, as the examples of Margaret Thatcher, Golda Meir, Priti Patel, etc, have shown. Having a female police chief is meaningless without a change of culture and policy. Can we not imagine an alternative to punitive law enforcement and incarceration, and invest instead in other models centered in community, in schools, healthcare, and other methods of keeping communities safe? 

I’m returning to the theme of the continuum that I mentioned earlier.

It’s patently obvious that a thread runs through police policies and strategies, from the time when surveillance of myself, and my colleagues, began, to the present day. 

The UCO reports from the 1970s reveal the systemic sexism, racism and right wing prejudices that have manifested repeatedly in, for example, the egregious exploitation of women deceived into intimate relationships by male officers, and the despicable acts of spying on the bereaved family of Stephen Lawrence and on Celia Stubbs, partner of the murdered anti-fascist Blair Peach.

 Endemic and horrendous violence against women continues yet the criminal justice system fails to provide justice to victims of sexual and domestic assault and abuse; Black people are killed in custody and justice is never served. Indeed Leroy Logan, founding member and Chair of the Black Police Association, commented after the police action at the vigil for Sarah Everard that the Met seemed to have gone backwards from the time when it seemed to him the McPherson Report brought a glimmer of the possibility of change. 

Again, I have to ask: if I was under surveillance in 1971 as a Women’s Liberation activist, am I under surveillance now? I’ve been actively involved in the Women’s Liberation Movement throughout my life, attending meetings and conferences. My involvement post-1973 is public knowledge.

 I was frequently contacted by the media for comment. For example, Prince Charles told The Sun, Tuesday, November 18th, 1975, that ‘Women’s Liberationists rather annoy me because they tend to argue all the time and start calling you a male chauvinist pig. Frankly, it becomes rather uncivilised.’ The paper wrote,  ‘A rap for the prince came from women’s libber Mrs Diane Langford last night. Mrs Langford, 33 year-old secretary of the Women’s Liberation Front said: “I consider his views on women’s liberation completely valueless.”’ 

Yet the Inquiry declines to do a full search of my police records after 1973 or those relating to the Women’s Liberation Movement as a whole.

As we learn more about ‘surveillance capitalism’ I have to ask whether I’m under surveillance as I sit here reading this? 

Amnesty International, who’ve taken the government to court over GCHQ’s Tempora Programme, have warned:

‘The revelations around Tempora show that a wide net is being cast through our private lives. It’s not being done with any grounds for suspicion, it’s being done to find the grounds for suspicion.’

Furthermore, the entangled means of surveillance, control of knowledge, authority and power have developed far beyond the crude phone-tapping of the 1960s when a voice would cut into a conversation asking, ‘Can you speak up please, I didn’t catch that last bit?’ Or the white van parked outside our flat with aerials sprouting from it, the occupants of which would accept a cup tea if we banged on the rear door, or, two men sitting behind us on the bus, to whom we referred the conductor to collect our fares, and they paid up.

Despite the development of mind-boggling algorithms and digital surveillance techniques, is there any difference between the secret police methods and the harvesting of personal data by means of artificial intelligence? Our personal data was hoovered up mindlessly and meaninglessly with as little empathy as if by an algorithm. This was illustrated time and again by HN45 and HN348.

For example, a report authored by HN348 on August 1, 1972: ‘so-and-so is a member of the Revolutionary Women’s Union. She lives in a council flat at ADDRESS GIVEN with her two children aged 6-and-a-half years and three years and her mother so-and-so. She is a divorced woman and is in receipt of £8.50 per week Social Security. She attends Revolutionary Women’s Union meetings regularly and is particularly interested in agitating for 24-hour nurseries.

This woman is on very friendly terms with so-and-so. Her description is: Aged about 23 years, very thin build, medium length fair hair, blue eyes, very pale complexion, poorly clothed but neat and tidy, wears black rimmed glasses, cockney accent.’

The internationally celebrated artist David Medalla, who passed away in January, is described by HN348 like this, ‘… Asian features and colouring, dirty appearance, very poorly clad. He is very opposed to the current Government in the Philippines.’ (6th October 1971). That  government was the notorious Marcos dictatorship – just to provide historical context.

Mary Spurr, representing the Post Office Workers Union, was described by HN348 as ‘bleached blonde’ while Ms Spurr’s testimony about the humiliating conditions she and her co-workers were forced to endure as ‘Hello Girls’ at telephone exchanges was not deemed ‘of interest’. 

HN348 even spied on the Schools Action Union, another interesting example of the continuum I spoke of, as Dulwich College, the site of one of the SAU’s largest demonstrations against corporal punishment, is back in the news with accusations of a rape culture reminiscent of the sixties.

HN348 collected a sample of a woman’s handwriting, a woman whose home she’d been invited into.  This woman’s name and address feature in the files but she remains in blissful ignorance and has not been contacted by the Inquiry.

Browsing the disclosure provided by the Inquiry, I came across other disgusting examples of racism and sexism:

On 1st June 1978, a report about the Federation of London Anarchist Groups [UPCI0000021776] informs the Special Branch that a subject had cut his beard off ‘to reveal that he has a long face, large Jewish nose and full lips.’

A report signed off by Angus McIntosh, about the Women’s Organiser of the International Socialists, dated 22nd October, 1976, states she has a ‘typically Jewish lilt to her … and rather prominent nose, always scruffily dressed in blue jeans and T-shirt (without a bra).’ [UCPI0000021512].

‘A negress was in the audience …’ according to a report on a weekly meeting of Hackney International Socialists at Centerprise in Dalston [UCPI0000010659, 13th July 1976]. The meeting discussed self-defence strategies for victims of physical attacks by the National Front.

What was Special Branch doing to stop the National Front from attacking People of Colour? Spying on anti-racists and hanging out in their ‘safe houses.’

Angus McIntosh signed off on a report of another IS meeting, dated 23rd August, 1975, describing a woman speaker as ‘attractive’ [UCPI0000019823].

[UCPI0000015145] describes a man as ‘an avid reader of Gay News with an ‘effeminate manner’. The report states that the man was a member of the SWP but did not attend meetings. Details of his bank account are recorded along with details of the owners of the house in which he lived. How were these details obtained?

[UCPI0000021293] Personal details and a photograph of a woman in the Hackney branch of Woman’s Voice, appear in a report dated 22nd May, 1979, describing her as ‘… a divorced woman who has a daughter aged six years.’

These patronising violations of people’s personal space, of suppressing a child’s right to demonstrate against state-sanctioned physical abuse, the racist, antisemitic, sexist and judgemental descriptions of people’s personal appearance, that filled the notebooks of the secret police, may not amount to much in the eyes of the Inquiry. It’s the accretion of them that are the stuff of authoritarian regimes, hence the expression ‘petty apartheid.’ 

It’s important to appreciate too, that the Revolutionary Socialist Students’ Federation, another targeted group of which I was a member, as well as opposing imperialism and racist wars, campaigned for the inclusion of Shostakovich and jazz on the curriculum at the Royal Academy of Music. Today we see another period of curtailment of the curriculum to fit in with utilitarian, exploitative objectives. 

I want to say something about the portrayal of my late, former partner, Abhimanyu Manchanda (Manu): 

Doubtless he was under surveillance prior to the time-frame of this Inquiry, having taken part in the Indian independence struggle, and as the former partner of the late great Claudia Jones, with whom he edited the leading Black newspaper, the West Indian Gazette.

HN45 displays a vindictive hatred of Manu and a peculiar obsession with our personal relationship and child-care arrangements.  He sent detailed reports to the Special Branch about what he apparently saw as transgressive behaviour – a man looking after his own child – and expressing horror that I was ‘sent out to work.’

He informs his superiors of Manu’s ‘insufferable anecdotes’ about our baby. Strangely, nothing in there about us overthrowing the state machine.

HN45, ‘Dick Epps’ et al were part of a manipulative, racist endeavour to justify their pay packet by portraying Manu as being an imminent danger to the state, implying he espoused the idea of going on demonstrations only to foment violence. This is utter rubbish. He never had any illusions about the possibility of ‘smashing the state machine.’ On the contrary, he was pragmatic about the possibility of challenging the power of the State head on. His scepticism about the willingness of sections of the white working class to give up privileges derived from colonialism annoyed many on the left and, apparently, HN45.

Why does the Inquiry refer to Manu as ‘Manchanda’ while using the full names of others? The Inquiry has picked up on the divisive tactic of labelling anti-war campaigners ‘doves’ or ‘hawks.’ Manu and Tariq Ali happened to be from colonised countries and this was a familiar ruse used by the corrupt colonial administrators of Empire, drawing on hundreds of years of experience of divide and rule.

I attached an Exhibit to my Witness Statement, a contemporaneous New York Review of Books article by the American novelist and political correspondent, Mary McCarthy, who saw Manu differently: 

‘The Manchanda group had been described in the newspapers as favoring violence, and the Tariq Ali group not, but actually Tariq Ali was organizing dramatically for violence—that list of first-aid stations, the instructions published in The Black Dwarf on what to do when gassed—on the supposition, amounting to prophecy, that the police would start or “provoke” it, whereas Mr. Manchanda, when I asked him whether it was true that he planned to storm the US Embassy, shrugged and said simply, “We are too few.” In Grosvenor Square, the next day, a lilting voice I thought I recognized as his could be heard urging restraint on the crowd, though possibly this was merely pro forma.’

‘Letter from London, The Demo’ – New York Review of Books, December 19th, 1968 – which can be found on my blog http://abhimanyumanchandaremembered.weebly.com/vietnam-solidarity.html

The full essay is worth reading as McCarthy gives an evocative description of the time and place.

The reason given for spying on us was to gather intelligence about forthcoming demonstrations and possible infractions of public order. The futility of this is illustrated by a demonstration consisting of a maximum of a dozen of us, walking with cardboard placards, in support of Huey Newton in 1969. We were astonished to arrive at Grosvenor Square to be met by at least a thousand uniformed police and row upon row of parked up police vans.

In my Witness Statement I dealt with the Inquiry’s inappropriate Rule 9 written questions about my personal relationship with Manu.

Now I’d like to examine the significance of another question, [11.3] in which the Inquiry refers to a list of ‘targets’ for picketing and asks my view of these proposed actions

On the list were Dow Chemicals and The Playboy Club, representing two of the campaigns I was deeply involved with. What did the Inquiry have in mind when they asked me about Dow Chemicals? Is the implication that Dow Chemicals, whose inhuman war crimes have never been accounted for, was under the protection of the British State?

It may help the Inquiry to know that Dow Chemicals was the manufacturer of Napalm, a firebomb fuel/gel mixture used by the American military against Vietnamese civilians. The gel-like consistency, especially developed by Dow, allows the substance to stick to human flesh so that its targets can’t extinguish the fire or brush it away. First, it burns through their clothes, then their skin, then their flesh and bones. 

A nine-year old Vietnamese child’s infamous portrayal as ‘Napalm Girl’ was the subject of a photograph published world-wide. She was running naked in the middle of a fire-ball, her skin peeling away in fiery sheets as she ran. Her name was Phan Thi Kim Phuc. 

A New York Times article on March 4, 2019, “Why Napalm is a Cautionary Tale for Tech Giants pursuing military contracts,” advises Google, Amazon and Microsoft not to get involved with defence contracts. Dow Chemicals is cited as an example of what can go wrong: the paper warns that Dow only received a measly five million dollars for the Napalm contract, ultimately sacrificing billions of dollars in lost revenue due to reputational damage.

 I plead guilty to being one of those who helped to cause reputational damage to Dow Chemicals.

The continuum I spoke of earlier, can be perceived in UK state protection being accorded to Israeli arms manufacturers, in particular, Elbit, who boast that their equipment is ‘battle tested’ on Palestinians, despite widespread public disgust at the brutal treatment meted out to Palestinian civilians.  

What was behind the Inquiry’s question about picketing the Playboy Club? Does the Inquiry regard The Playboy Club, whose employees are referred to as ‘Bunny Girls,’ as an institution worthy of special protection by the secret police?

I agree with Alice Robson, reviewing ‘Misbehaving – Stories of Protest Against the Miss World Contest and the Beauty Industry,’ who wrote:

‘A distance of 50 years didn’t lessen my revulsion at hearing that pageant host Bob Hope bragged about taking the winner to Vietnam to “give the GIs the hots”. It feels like a triumph when he is driven from the stage.’ [Red Pepper, Spring 2021]

HN348 referred to the 1970 Miss World protest as an event that was organised by the Women’s Liberation Front, prior to her deployment. The protest against the Miss World Contest was not organised by the Women’s Liberation Front, although I attended the demonstration. It was a magnificent disruption of an exploitative commercial event degrading to women. It was not a threat to public order or security. 

When she attended the 1972 National Women’s Liberation conference at Acton Town Hall, what was HN348’s motivation in describing women kissing? 

Did her handlers ask her if there were lesbians at conferences? Was she hoping these reports would find favour with her voyeuristic bosses? If not, why did she deem it important to report to her handlers about women displaying affection, the music played ‘to get people in the mood …’ and details of food and drink served?

Despite one of the longest reports I’ve seen in any of the available documents, that includes several pages of description of the food, drink and music, and scenes of women showing affection, HN348 told the Inquiry:

‘I was not specifically instructed to report back everything and part of my role would have been to filter out certain things from very long meetings.’

Did her handlers ask her to collect information on the numbers of People of Colour at every event she spied on? 

If, as claimed, she didn’t recognise the language used in some of the reports attributed to her, does she stand by the content of the reports? Was there a double or triple input in the writing of reports? According to her account, first she writes by hand, then it’s typed up by another spycop working in the ‘back office.’ Is she suggesting that the ignorant and voyeuristic comments therein, were added by a second or even third person?

I’d like to say a bit more about the deeper, problematic issues associated with the Inquiry.

The trajectory of the Inquiry so far raises questions concerning shibboleths such as the separation of State and judiciary and ‘policing by consent.’

In the United States, Angela Davis, the Black Lives Matter movement and others have made mainstream the ‘abolitionist’ concept of truly ‘policing by consent.’ Where might unbridled state surveillance fit in to the concept of ‘policing by consent?’

I have no sympathy with the SDS yet I found the psychiatric reports on one officer – in his plea to avoid accounting for himself before the Inquiry – distressing. The officer had developed a dual personality disorder and was happier living in his ‘legend’ identity rather than in his actual one. He exhibited symptoms of severe PTSD. His ‘suitability’ for the so-called ‘work’ he was doing, had never been assessed, nor had he received any treatment or counselling. He was used as ‘cannon fodder’ by the state, placing those close to him in jeopardy.

Inquiries since the McPherson Inquiry have been devalued by the manner in which they’ve determinedly obstructed genuine ‘inquiry.’  For example, Priti Patel, set up an inquiry into the atrocious police violence against women at Clapham Common, an incident that she herself set in train.

While the Inquiry is heavily weighted in favour of the State, how are we going to find out when the abuse started?  I hope the Inquiry will not be deflected by the myth of ‘a few rotten apples.’ The cynical attitudes of the UCOs as evidenced by their misogynist reporting in the past and current lack of remorse makes it inevitable that any opportunity to take advantage of women would have been taken.  There’s never just one cockroach. 

Where are these files kept? Who has access to them?

 Dozens of people, whose names recur in the files I’ve had sight of, have absolutely no idea that the secret police came into their homes under false pretences and spied on them. At the bare minimum anyone whose private space was violated, resulting in them being named in these files, should be informed and invited to be part of the inquiry. 

The asymmetrical structure of the Inquiry is a bulwark against truth, transparency and accountability.

I’m in awe of the lawyers working so hard on behalf of non-state core participants. The state bodies, including the National Police Chief’s Council, the National Crime Agency, The Met, the Home Office, etc. have various teams.

 Then there are the police CPs: designated lawyers for Met Officers and individual officers who’ve decided not to be represented by The Met. All are funded separately, so they all get to put forward their own positions, whereas the hundreds of NSCPs are often limited to one legal team, funded directly by the Inquiry. Hence, it is something of a fluke that I was eventually called to provide my recollections.

I believe my own lawyers have just a small team of two present throughout to represent all non-state CPs generic interests. My barrister and solicitor are ony funded to be present at the hearings on the days when I give evidence and when a witness directly related to me gives evidence.

 It is my understanding that state bodies and their designated lawyers will have a presence throughout. Is that fair or balanced?

 If the State is investigating the State isn’t that the ultimate Conflict of Interest?

Regarding the anonymity granted to UCOs …

Naturally, those of us who were spied upon wish and need to see the faces of those responsible, in order to have closure. Otherwise, we continue to suspect our friends and fellow activists – a corrosive by-product of the indefensible violation of human relationships perpetrated by Under Cover Officers. But instead, they are granted anonymity.

A request for a photograph of HN348 was declined by the Inquiry as they were not holding one in their files. Why not ask HN348 to supply one, as requested by my legal representative? 

This doesn’t inspire confidence. Rather, it bears out the idea that, as Audre Lorde put it, ‘the master’s tools will never dismantle the master’s house.’ It is clear that women, People of Colour and others working for a better world will need to continue with our grassroots campaigning on behalf of ourselves and one another. However, my hope is that this Inquiry will, in fact, prove useful to us in such struggles for justice, human rights and freedom.

Diane Langford

13 April 2021

Letter to Chair, Executive Board, University of East London

18th November, 2020

Dear Ms Ajufo,

I write to protest about the deeply disturbing news that UEL is disproportionately targeting lecturers and professors who are leaders of the University and College Union. I have read your statement that:  

“We are focusing on our ten-year Vision to become the UK’s leading careers-intensive University. I look forward to working with the Board of Governors, the University Executive Board and the wider University of East London community in the coming weeks and months to pursue this goal and put the University in a strong position to compete, flourish and thrive.”

Despite the Alternative Business Plan produced by UEL staff that would address financial shortfalls while retaining staff and meeting student needs, you have ploughed ahead with ‘voluntary’ redundancies and are now lining up 12 further staff members for compulsory redundancy. 

To make matters worse Social Science professors have been disproportionately targeted, posing a severe risk to world-leading research in the Centre for Cultural Studies, Centre for Migration, Refugees and Belonging and Centre for Narrative Research.

Turning your back on global social developments to end colonial perspectives and enable working class students and Women and People of Colour equal access to a university education will not “put the University in a strong position to compete, flourish and thrive.” 

I implore you to go back to the negotiating table and find a way forward before discarding these outstanding lecturers and professors who have contributed so much to build the reputation of UEL. 

Sincerely,

Diane Langford, writer/journalist

New Low for The Guardian

Dear Guardian Letter Editor,

Why on earth would the Guardian see fit to publish an almost full-page obituary of Peter Sutcliffe (Saturday, 14 November)? Do we not know enough already about this vicious misogynist mass murderer from the copious and adequate reportage on other pages? What do you consider justifies your providing readers with a swathe of autobiographical details, anecdotes about his time in prison, clothing, appearance, etc, and yet another photograph? 

While it may be fascinating for some to learn that he became ‘a keen reader’ who ‘showed an interest in ceramics,’ I suggest it would behove your editorial policy to consider the potential effects on the survivors of his attacks, the families of the deceased women and all the other women he terrorised, and the wider question of how such information, juxtaposed with obituaries of deceased politicians e.g., legitimises this women-hating criminal in a way he does not deserve. Naming the victims of heinous crimes while minimising publicity to the perpetrators is now accepted as good practice and I cannot be the only one incredulous to find the Guardian not having the awareness to follow this principle. How about an apology in your Corrections and clarifications column?

Yours sincerely
Frankie Green